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A similar problem is that clients ask whether a name is registerable. Here's a reply to that question:
Another approach:
The medieval County of Flanders is only one of several provinces that were incorporated into modern Belgium. Brabant, Antwerp, and other medieval states also were incorporated into Belgium, and people from these other states are not Flemish. In period, only those unfamiliar with the Low Countries would have called people <Flemish> who were not from Flanders itself; doing so is rather like calling Welsh people <English.> But in fact, this error was common: From Italy to Scandinavia, it was common to use a word that meant Flemish as a generic term for a Netherlander.
It is also a mistake to talk about the <Flemish language,> either in period or in the modern era. Today, Flemish is simply the English name for the dialect of Dutch spoken in Belgium; in our period it was the English name of one of the dialects of Dutch, and sometimes used generically for all of the southern dialects.
Here's another approach:
And another:
It is possible in some cases to invent a name that is a very plausible extension of a pattern of naming in a particular period culture. This requires study of the particular culture, as these patterns are not consistent from one culture to the next and often were used only in a narrow range of time and geography. For example, in medieval Gaelic, a number of color adjectives came to be used as the basis for masculine given names: <Dubha/n> from <dubh> "black", <Ruadha/n> from <rua/dh> "red", <Donna/n> from <donn> "brown" [1]. We might speculate that the word for "gold" could also have been used as the basis for a name; but we couldn't extend it to create names based on words meaning "tall" or "hairy".
You might use a different example that more closely matches the culture your client wants to re-create.
We know the etymological roots of most names, but it's a mistake to think that they would have had any significance to the people who used those names in the Middle Ages. In our period, when people didn't have stacks of baby-name books to tell them the etymologies of names, nearly all people had no idea of the origin of nearly all names. They chose names for their children based on the names' associations with family members, saints, royalty, etc.
You may want to add something along these lines:
Here are some characteristics of dictionaries of names that are useful for medieval re-creation:
* It gives dated examples of names.
* It gives sources where the author found each name.
Here are some characteristics typical of dictionaries that aren't helpful for medieval re-creation:
* The title includes the word "Baby" or "Celtic"
* It gives a meaning for each name.
* Languages of origin are given with unscholarly terms like "Teutonic" or
"Celtic".
* There is no variation in spelling; i.e. every <William> is spelled the
same.
Alternatively:
Also read Effrick's advice for letters about Irish and Scottish names.
The Norse settled in the north in the 9th century, changing the lingustic map:
By the 12th century, Pictish and Cumbric had virtually disappeared, but Norse, Gaelic, and English were still being spoken, joined by Norman French, distributed roughly as follows:
Starting around the 14th century, the two main languages spoken in Scotland were Gaelic, spoken in the Highlands and Western Isles, and Scots, spoken in the Lowlands, including the royal court and towns. Gaelic was the same language spoken in Ireland at this time; Scots was closely related to contemporary English. Norn (a form of Norse) as well as Scots was spoken in the Northern Isles through the 16th century.
The languages were very different and had different naming customs. There was some mixing of names from the different cultures, but most names were not adopted into all of the cultures. Therefore, the culture you choose for your persona will determine how your name should be constructed.
Another approach:
This writing system continued in active use into the 7th century, and while it was in active use, its users tended to write a conservative form of the language corresponding to what was spoken when the system was developed. The spoken language, however, was undergoing considerable change. When a new writing system using Roman letters was developed in the 6th century, its users broke with tradition and wrote a language much closer to what was actually being spoken. This stage of the language, as recorded from the late 7th century to the mid-10th century, is called Old Irish.
The problem with reconstructing names used before the Old Irish period is that the only written forms that we know are the Oghamic forms in the Primitive Irish language, and yet we also know that by the 6th century this written Primitive Irish must have been quite different from the way the language was actually spoken. It takes a good deal of specialized knowledge to put the pieces together and come up with a likely reconstruction of both the written name and its pronunciation. We can try to reconstruct precursors to the names you chose which might have been used at the beginning of the 7th century, but it is a difficult and speculative task, and we might not be able to do it at all; so we'll hold off on it in case you're happy with a later-period name. If you'd like us to take a shot at it, please let us know.
One female client asked for a name appropriate c.100 AD. We replaced the last paragraph above with:
Note that this change was not uniform. Some later sources use the earlier, conservative spellings. However, we usually recommend the standard spelling for the client's period as the most typical.
The discussion of <ingen> and the lenited spelling would need to be adjusted for clients who were entirely pre-1200 or post-1200.
For a man:
Drop the last two sentences if the name does not require lenition. The footnotes are:
[b] Krossa, Sharon L. (Effric neyn Kenyeoch vc Ralte), "Lenition in Gaelic Orthography", (WWW: Privately published, 27 Aug 2000). http://www.medievalscotland.org/scotlang/lenition.shtml
The futhark labeled Norwegian-Danish Runes from the 800's is a good choice. Notice that these tables identify each rune with a Roman letter; we will use that labeling in this letter to give you the runic spelling of your name. We should stress that this is a modern scholarly convention, not a notation that would have been used in our period.
You'll also notice that there are no runes corresponding to some of the letters in the name, like the <o> and the {dh}. Just as our letter <s> represents different sounds in the words <base> and <bays>, the Norse used one rune to represent more than one sound. The name <O/{dh}indi/sa Egilsdo/ttir> would actually have been written with the runes corresponding to the spellings <o{th}intisa ekils tutir> or <o{th}intisa ekilstutir>. (Here {th} stands for the third rune, the thorn.) Note that this spelling is valid only when you write the name in runes; it should not be used with Latin letters.
You may want to write the name as <O/{dh}indi/sa Egils do/ttir> if you have to explain it to someone who doesn't read runes, since this is the standard scholarly form. When special characters are inconvenient you might write <Othindisa Egilsdottir> or <Odindisa Egilsdottir>, both of which are quite standard Anglicizations of the name.
This type of byname was originally just one of several possible ways of identifying a person. A commoner who had grown up with his neighbors might be known as his father's son, while one who had come from somewhere else might be known by his place of origin. Thus, the man whose name appears in the records of Frankfurt am Main as <Heincz von Buczpach> 1390, <H. Buczpach> 1389, and <H. Buczbecher> 1388 was presumably from the nearby town of Butzbach. [2] Incidentally, this example shows clearly that at that date <von Buczpach> 'of Butzbach', the plain place-name, and <Buczbecher> 'man from Butzbach' were still just interchangeable descriptions.
As time went by, commoners tended to drop the preposition. This process took place at different rates in different parts of Germany, but overall it was very slow. In many places the preposition remained in common use at least until about 1400, and in some remote areas it didn't really start to disappear until the middle of the 17th century [2].
The nobility, on the other hand, were more conservative and retained the preposition. They had always been the class most likely to use bynames with <von>, probably because in their case such names had two possible sources: not only could they indicate origin, they could (and probably more often did) refer to land held in fief. Thus, as the use of <von> by commoners slowly but steadily declined, the preposition became in practice more and more a sign of noble status. Nevertheless, it wasn't until the 17th century that the two became effectively synonymous. [3]
[1] Socin, Adolf. Mittelhochdeutsches Namenbuch nach Oberrheinischen Quellen des Zwoelften und Dreizehnten Jahrhunderts (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1966), Ch. XV, XVI, especially pp. 303, 310.
[2] Schwarz, Ernst. Deutsche Namenforschung I: Ruf- und Familiennamen (Goettingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1949); pp. 101ff.
[3] Schwarz, p. 164.
If you want to be more brief, you might try an approach like this:
[1] We discussed the use of the preposition <von> in some detail in a
report for a previous client. To find out more, see Academy of Saint
Gabriel report 2041.
http://www.s-gabriel.org/2041
[2] Brechenmacher, Josef Karlmann, _Etymologisches Woerterbuch der deutschen Familiennamen_ (Limburg a. d. Lahn, C. A. Starke-Verlag, 1957-1960). s.nn. Salzburg(er), Wolfauer, Wolfinger, Wolfrath, Wolfsberg, Wolfurt(er)
The nanori was the name which appeared on official documents, and was the name that a warrior proclaimed before combat with a worthy adversary; the use of a nanori was a privilege confined to the male members of the courtier and military classes. The yobina was essentially a second given name, used socially; the yobina was not a nickname, but rather a less formal name used in conversation.
This applies from the late Heian period (12th century) onward.
Perhaps you will find one that appeals to you.
There is a map of German dialects at http://www.serve.com/shea/germusa/dialkart.jpg, and a simpler one at http://german.about.com/library/weekly/aa051898.htm, along with a concise discussion of the major dialects, which will usually be good enough.
There are maps of the Occitan dialect region at http://membres.lycos.fr/simorre/oc/geodom.htm and http://www.orbilat.com/Maps/Occitan/Occitan.gif.
Maps of the linguistic regions are available for c.900, c.1150, and c.1300.
The last couple sentences will not be appropriate for all reports.
For a persona after the invention of heraldry, but from a culture that didn't use it, you might say instead:
For both cases, you could continue:
Heraldic arms were in common use among Scoto-Norman families in your period, but not in Gaelic culture. If you choose a Gaelic persona, then it is not historically appropriate for you to use arms.
Scottish Gaels did not make much use of heraldry in our period. Heraldry was very popular in Lowland culture, but in the Highlands it appears to have been reserved to chiefs and their immediate families [*].
[*] Campbell of Airds, Alastair, Unicorn Pursuivant of Arms, "A Closer Look at West Highland Heraldry", _The Double Tressure_ (#19).
A Gael of your period is unlikely to have used heraldic arms: Armory was imported to Ireland by the Anglo-Normans in the 12th century, and wasn't adopted by the native population for some time afterward. It's not impossible that a late 13th century Gaelic chief might have used English-style heraldry, but the vast majority of Gaels, even among the nobility, would not have used arms.
We have found evidence that the Gaelic Irish chiefs started to use heraldry in the mid-14th century, but most examples of heraldic use by the Gaelic Irish chiefs are from the 16th century or later. Their neighbors of English origin brought their heraldry with them and continued to use it [*].
[*] "When did the Irish Chiefs Adopt Heraldry?", John J FitzPatrick Kennedy, Genealogica and Heraldica ed Auguste Vachon, Claire Boudreau, David Cogne/, University of Ottawa Press, 1998, ISBN 0-7766-0472-4.
[*] Siddons, Michael Powell, _The Development of Welsh Heraldry_, 3 vols. (Aberystwyth: The National Library of Wales, 1991-3), I.2.
Append the second part of the boilerplate for non-heraldic personas.
If you decide to design arms, there are a couple articles on the web that offer advice in heraldry to Societyfolk with Viking personas:
Heraldry for a Non-Heraldic Culture: Vikings and Coats of
Arms in the SCA
http://www.vikinganswerlady.com/vikheraldry.htm
We also have some examples of Norwegian arms from the 13th and 14th centuries. That's well after the period you've chosen for your name, of course, but we would be happy to help you design arms that fit the early Norwegian style.
[1] Wagner, Anthony Richard, ed. Aspilogia II: Rolls of Arms: Henry III (London: The Society of Antiquaries, 1967), p.35. The lion in the modern arms is first known on seals of Haakon IV (1217-63) and Magnus VI (1263-80), but it lacks the axe and the crown. These items were added by Magnus's son Erik Magnusson (1280-99) sometime before 1283, possibly at his accession in 1280.
Riquier, Marti/n de, _Hera/ldica castellana en tiempos de los reyes cato/licos_, Ediciones dels Quederns Crema, Barcelona, 1986. (Spanish Heraldry in the time of the Catholic Kings, i.e. the last quarter of the 15th century)
Riquier, Marti/n de, _Heraldica Catalana des de l'any 1150 al 1550_, Ediciones dels Quederns Crema, Barcelona, 1983. (Catalan Heraldry from the year 1150 to 1550 - Catalonia is northeastern Spain, the area around Barcelona).
Additionally, you will probably find some depictions of Spanish arms in books of Renaissance Spanish portraits. Portraits of that period often included the person's arms.
There are several sites on the World Wide Web that depict Spanish heraldry; however, we cannot recommend them because they mix period and later heraldry with no indication of the date of individual examples. The best of them (in that at least royal arms are dated) is:
[1] Brault, Gerald J., _The Rolls of Arms of Edward I_, Aspilogia III, 2 vols. (London: Boydell Press, 1997).
[2] Dennys, Rodney, _The Heraldic Imagination_ (New York: Clarkson and Potter Inc., 1975), p.191.
[3] Stodart, R. R., _Scottish Arms_, 2 vols (Edinburgh: William Paterson, 1881).
Rodney Dennys notes that dragons or their heads or wings are borne as charges by some 300 Continental families. For non-English historical information he mentions that Bouly de Lesdain notes five examples of the dragon on French seals before 1300. The earliest is the mid-12th c. seal of Raimund de Montdragon, a Provençal baron, which shows two 'dragons' combattant. They are not on a shield, and they are very odd dragons by modern standards. They are two-legged and have human heads, their tails end in small dragon's heads, and they appear to have feathered wings and bodies. As Dennys says, they look more like basilisks with human heads than like the conventional dragon. Each is tugging on its beard with one foot. The beards, like the hair on the head, seem to be composed of a multitude of small serpents. (The family of Montdragon later bore a single human-headed gold dragon of this type on a red field.)
In 1229 and 1249 Dragonet de Montauban used a seal with a design apparently identical to that of Raimund's. (Note that while this may not quite qualify as armory, it *is* a cant on a forename.) Finally, Dennys notes that Rietstap lists the French family of Anthon as bearing 'Or, a dragon with a human face gules'.
Gelre has a fair number of dragon's heads as crests, including (fo.76) 'Argent, a cross anchory and gringoly gules' for Hune or Huyn of Amstenraede; the crest is a dragon's head gules, and the eight snake's heads at the ends of the cross are really dragon's heads.
It also has (fo.58v) H. Jan Haucoert, 'On a chevron three escallops' (unpainted, so no tincures) with a crest 'a dragon's head barry ermine and sable, eared gules, the back crested, breathing flames'; however, the notes identify this person as the famous John Hawkwood and add that the correct tinctures ('Argent, on a chevron sable three escallops argent'). The blazon reads d'hermines, but the photograph clearly shows clearly shows ermine, not counter-ermine.
From fo.53v: Scibor de Sciboryc has as crest a dragon's head sable with gold eyebrows issuing flames gules.
From fo.50: Raoul Sieur de Rayneval has as crest a dragon's head winged argent. (The tips of the wings are visible as if the dragon were responding enthusiastically to 'Hands up!'.) The same crest (with the dragon langued gules) is borne by Waleran de Luxembourg-Ligny, Count of Saint Pol (fo.46v).
Neubecker (34) reproduces from Gelre the dragon crest of Aragon; it's a gold dragon's head with argent teeth and gules tongue and insides of ears; parts of the feet and the tips of the reptilian wings are visible. A 1515 version of the same crest is shown on p.157. On p.190 he mentions that the crest of the arms of Brabant was a dragon in the late 13th and early 14th c. (It's quite possible that this was true both before and after that date, since he's using this crest only to explain another from that period.) On p.218 he mentions that Emperor Sigismund created the Dragon Order of Hungary, and the dukes of Austria also created a Dragon order. I don't know just when these were created, but on p.220 there's a picture of the Tirolean minnesinger Oswald von Wolkenstein (1377(?) - 1445) to the sash of the Tankard Order of Aragon he has added the Hungarian Order of the Dragon.
Fox-Davies (Art of Heraldry, p.426, discussing Pl. XCVIII) has the arms of Specker in the 1547 roll of arms of the Geschlechtergesellschaft 'Zur Katze' in Constance as 'Argent, a wyvern sable vomiting fire, the feet, legs, and underpart of the ears gules'. He says that the same coat appears on a 1382 seal of one Cunrat Speker. The wyvern has the usual long, pointed ears and an unbarbed tail.
Note also that there's a wyvern in the c.1340 Zuricher Wappenrolle, Strip II back, page 13, number 303.
[*] Pastoureau, Michel. Traite/ d'He/raldique, 2nd ed. (Paris: grands manuels Picard, 1993); pp. 101-2
Here's another:
[5] Burnett, C. J., "The Thistle as a Symbol", pps 45-52 of _Emblems of Scotland_ (Heraldry Society of Scotland, 1997).
Maintained by Arval; last updated 19 Apr 2004.