END NOTES

[1] Among the many mediaeval representations of the creation of the universe, I especially recall from personal observation those sculptured above the portals of the cathedrals of Freiburg and Upsala, the paintings on the walls of the Campo Santo at Pisa, and most striking of all, the mosaics of the Cathedral of Monreale and those in the Capella Palatina at Palermo.   Among peculiarities showing the simplicity of the earlier conception the representation of the response of the Almighty on the seventh day is very striking.   He is shown as seated in almost the exact attitude of the "Weary Mercury" of classic sculpture - bent, and with a very marked expression of fatigue upon his countenance and in the whole disposition of his body.

The Monreale mosaics are pictured in the great work of Gravina, and in the Pisa frescoes in Didron's Iconographie, Paris, 1843, p.   598.   For an exact statement of the resemblances which have settled the question among the most eminent scholars in favour of the derivation of the Hebrew cosmogony from that of Assyria, see Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier, Strassburg, 1890, pp. 304,306; also Franz Lukas, Die Grundbegriffe in den Kosmographien der alten Volker, Leipsic, 1893, pp. 35-46; also George Smith's Chaldean Genesis, especially the German translation with additions by Delitzsch, Leipsic, 1876, and Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, Giessen, 1883, pp. 1-54, etc.   See also Renan, Histoire du peuple d'Israel, vol. i, chap i, L'antique influence babylonienne.   For Egyptian views regarding creation, and especially for the transition from the idea of creation by the hands and fingers of the Creator to creation by his VOICE and his "word," see Maspero and Sayce, The Dawn of Civilization, pp. 145-146.

[2] For Gregory of Nyssa, Augustine, and the general subject of the development of an evolution theory among the Greeks, see the excellent work by Dr. Osborn, From the Greeks to Darwin, pp.33 and following; for Caedmon, see any edition - I have used Bouterwek's, Gutersloh, 1854; for Milton, see Paradise Lost, book vii, lines 225-231.

[3] For Tertullian, see Tertullian against Hermogenes, chaps.   xx and xxii; for St. Augustine regarding "creation from nothing," see the De Genesi contra Manichaeos, lib, i, cap. vi; for St. Ambrose, see the Hexameron, lib, i,cap iv; for the decree of the Fourth Lateran Council, and the view received in the Church to- day, see the article Creation in Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary.

[4] For Origen, see his Contra Celsum, cap xxxvi, xxxvii; also his De Principibus, cap. v; for St. Augustine, see his De Genesi conta Manichaeos and De Genesi ad Litteram, passim; for Athanasius, see his Discourses against the Arians, ii, 48,49.

[5] For Philo Judaeus, see his Creation of the World, chap. iii; for St. Augustine on the powers of numbers in creation, see his De Genesi ad Litteram iv, chap. ii; for Peter Lombard, see the Sententiae, lib. ii, dist.   xv, 5; and for Hugo of St. Victor, see De Sacrementis, lib i, pars i; also, Annotat, Elucidat in Pentateuchum, cap. v, vi, vii; for St. Hilary, see De Trinitate, lib.   xii; for St. Thomas Aquinas, see his Summa Theologica, quest lxxxiv, arts.   i and ii; the passage in the Nuremberg Chronicle, 1493, is in fol.   iii; for Vousset, see his Discours sur l'Histoire Universelle; for the sacredness of the number seven among the Babylonians, see especially Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, pp. 21,22; also George Smith et al.; for general ideas on the occult powers of various numbers, especially the number seven, and the influence of these ideas on theology and science, see my chapter on astronomy.   As to medieaval ideas on the same subject, see Detzel, Christliche Ikonographie, Frieburg, 1894, pp. 44 and following.

[6] For Luther, see his Commentary on Genesis, 1545, introduction, and his comments on chap. i, verse 12; the quotations from Luther's commentary are taken mainly from the translation by Henry Cole, D.D., Edinburgh, 1858; for Melanchthon, see Loci Theologici, in Melanchthon, Opera, ed. Bretschneider, vol. xxi, pp. 269, 270, also pp. 637, 638 - in quoting the text (Ps.   xxiii, 9) I have used, as does Melanchthon himself, the form of the Vulgate; for the citations from Calvin, see his Commentary on Genesis (Opera omnia, Amsterdam, 1671, tom. i, cap. ii, p. 8); also in the Institutes, Allen's translation, London, 1838, vol. i, chap. xv, pp. 126,127; for the Peter Martyr, see his Commentary on Genesis, cited by Zockler, vol. i, p.   690; for articles in the Westminster Confession of Faith, see chap.   iv; for Buffon's recantation, see Lyell, Principles of Geology, chap iii, p. 57.   For Lightfoot's declartion, see his works, edited by Pitman, London, 1822.

[7] For strange representations of the Creator and of the creation by one, two, or three persons of the Trinity, see Didron, Iconographie Chretienne, pp. 35, 178, 224, 483, 567-580, and elsewhere; also Detzel as already cited.   The most naive of all survivals of the mediaeval idea of creation which the present writer has ever seen was exhibited in 1894 on the banner of one of the guilds at the celebration of the four-hundredth anniversary of the founding of the Munich Cathedral.   Jesus of Nazareth, as a beautiful boy and with a nimbus encircling his head, was shown turning and shaping the globe on a lathe, which he keeps in motion with his foot.   The emblems of the Passion are about him, God the Father looking approvingly upon him from a cloud, and the dove hovering between the two.   The date upon the banner was 1727.

[8] For scriptural indications of the independent existence of light and darkness, compare with the first verses of the chapter of Genesis such passages as Job xxxviii, 19,24; for the general prevalence of this early view, see Lukas, Kosmogonie, pp. 31, 33, 41, 74, and passim; for the view of St. Ambrose regarding the creation of light and of the sun, see his Hexameron, lib. 4, cap. iii; for an excellent general statement, see Huxley, Mr. Gladstone and Genesis, in the Nineteenth Century, 1886, reprinted in his Essays on Controverted Questions, London, 1892, note, pp. 126 et seq.; for the acceptance in the miracle plays of the scriptural idea of light and darkness as independent creations, see Wright, Essays on Archeological Subjects, vol. ii, p.178; for an account, with illustrations, of the mosaics, etc., representing this idea, see Tikkanen, Die Genesis-mosaiken von San Marco, Helsingfors, 1889, p. 14 and 16 of the text and Plates I and II.   Very naively the Salerno carver, not wishing to colour the ivory which he wrought, has inscribed on one disk the word "LUX" and on the other "NOX." See also Didron, Iconographie, p. 482.

[9] For an interesting reference to the outcry against Newton, see McCosh, The Religious Aspect of Evolution, New York, 1890, pp.   103, 104; for germs of an evolutionary view among the Babylonians, see George Smith, Chaldean Account of Gensis, New York, 1876, pp. 74, 75; for a germ of the same thought in Lucretius, see his De Natura Rerum, lib. v,pp.187-194, 447-454; for Bruno's conjecture (in 1591), see Jevons, Principles of Science, London, 1874, vol. ii, p. 36; for Kant's statement, see his Naturgeschichte des Himmels; for his part in the nebular hypothesis, see Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, vol. i, p.266; for the value of Plateau's beautiful experiment, very cautiously estimated, see Jevons, vol. ii, p. 36; also Elisee Reclus, The Earth, translated by Woodward, vol. i, pp. 14-18, for an estimate still more careful; for a general account of discoveries of the nature of nebulae by spectroscope, see Draper, Conflict between Religion and Science; for a careful discussion regarding the spectra of solid, liquid, and gaseous bodies, see Schellen, Spectrum Analysis, pp. 100 et seq.; for a very thorough discussion of the bearings of discoveries made by spectrum analysis upon the nebular hypothesis, ibid., pp. 532-537; for a presentation of the difficulties yet unsolved, see an article by Plummer in the London Popular Science Review for January, 1875; for an excellent short summary of recent observations and thoughts on this subject, see T. Sterry Hunt, Address at the Priestley Centennial, pp. 7, 8; for an interesting modification of this hypothesis, see Proctor's writings; for a still more recent view see Lockyer's two articles on The Sun's Place in Nature for February 14 and 25, 1895.

[10] For the first citations above made, see The Cosmogony of Genesis, by the Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., Canon of Christ Church and Regius Professor of Hebrew at Oxford , in the Expositor for January, 1886; for the second series of citations, see the Early Narratives of Genesis, by Herbert Edward Ryle, Hulsean Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, London, 1892.   For evidence that even the stiffest of Scotch Presbyterians have come to discard the old literal biblical narrative of creation and to regard the declaration of the Westminster Confession thereon as a "disproved theory of creation," see Principal John Tulloch, in Contemporary Review, March, 1877, on Religious Thought in Scotland - especially page 550.

[11] For representations of Egyptian gods creating men out of lumps of clay, see Maspero and Sayce, The Dawn of History, p. 156; for the Chaldean legends of the creation of men and animals, see ibid., p. 543; see also George Smith, Chaldean Accounts of Genesis, Sayce's edition, pp. 36, 72, and 93; also for similar legends in other ancient nations, Lenormant, Origines de l'Histoire, pp. 17 et seq.; for mediaeval representations of the creation of man and woman, see Didron, Iconographie, pp. 35, 178, 224, 537.

[12] For the citation from Lactantius, see Divin.   Instit., lib. ii, cap. xi, in Migne, tome vi, pp. 311, 312; for St. Augustine's great phrase, see the De Genes.   ad litt., ii, 5; for St. Ambrose, see lib. i, cap. ii; for Vincent of Beauvais, see the Speculum Naturale, lib. i, cap. ii, and lib. ii, cap. xv and xxx; also Bourgeat, Etudes sur Vincent de Beauvais, Paris, 1856, especially chaps.   vii, xii, and xvi; for Cardinal d"ailly, see the Imago Mundi, and for Reisch, see the various editions of the Margarita Philosophica; for Luther's statements, see Luther's Schriften, ed.   Walch, Halle, 1740, Commentary on Genesis, vol. i; for Calvin's view of the creation of the animals, including the immutability of Species, see the Comm.   in Gen., tome i of his Opera omnia, Amst., 1671, cap. i, v, xx, p. 5, also cap. ii, v, ii, p. 8, and elsewhere; for Bossuet, see his Discours sur l'Histoire universelle (in his Euvres, tome v, Paris, 1846); for Lightfoot, see his works, edited by Pitman, London, 1822; for Bede, see the Hexaemeron, lib. i, in Migne, tome xci, p.21; for Mr.   Gosse'smodern defence of the literal view, see his Omphalos, London, 1857, passim.

[13] For St. Augustine, see De Genesis and De Trinitate, passim; for Bede, see Hexaemeron, lib. i, in Migne, tome xci, pp. 21, 36- 38, 42; and De Sex Dierum Criatione, in Migne, tome xciii, p. 215; for Peter Lombard on "noxious animals," see his Sententiae, lib.   ii, dist.   xv, 3, Migne, tome cxcii, p. 682; for Wesley, Clarke, and Watson, see quotations from them and notes thereto in my chapter on Geology; for St. Augustine on "superfluous animals," see the De Genesi, lib. i, cap. xvi, 26; on Luther's view of flies, see the Table Talk and his famous utterance, "Odio muscas quia sunt imagines diaboli et hoereticorum"; for the agency of Aristotle and Plato in fastening the belief in the fixity of species into Christian theology, see Sachs, Geschichte der Botanik, Munchen, 1875, p. 107 and note, also p. 113.

[14] For the Physiologus, Bestiaries, etc., see Berger de Xivrey, Traditions Teratologiques; also Hippeau's edition of the Bestiare de Guillaume de Normandie, Caen, 1852, and such medieaval books of Exempla as the Lumen Naturae; also Hoefer, Histoire de la Zoologie; also Rambaud, Histoire de la Civilisation Francaise, Paris, 1885, vol i, pp. 368, 369; also Cardinal Pitra, preface to the Spicilegium Solismense, Paris, 1885, passim; also Carus, Geschichte der Zoologie; and for an admirable summary, the article Physiologus in the Encyclopedia Britannica.   In the illuminated manuscripts in the Library of Cornell University are some very striking examples of grotesques.   For admirably illustrated articles on the Bestiaries, see Cahier and Martin, Melanges d'Archeologie, Paris, 1851, 1852, and 1856, vol. ii of the first series, pp. 85-232, and second series, volume on Curiosities Mysterieuses, pp. 106-164; also J. R. Allen, Early Christian Symbolism in Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1887), lecture vi; for an exhaustive discussion of the subject, see Das Thierbuch des normannischen Dichters Guillaume le Clerc, herausgegeben von Reinisch, Leipsic, 1890; and for an Italian examlpe, Goldstaub and Wendriner, Ein Tosco-Venezianischer Bestiarius, Halle, 1892, where is given, on pp. 369-371, a very pious but very comical tradition regarding the beaver, hardly mentionable to ears polite.   For Friar Bartholomew, see (besides his book itself) Medieval Lore, edited by Robert Steele, London, 1893, pp. 118-138.

[15] For Giraldus Cambrensis, see the edition in the Bohn Library, London, 1863, p. 30; for the Abd Allatif and Frederick II, see Hoefer, as above; for Albertus Magnus, see the De Animalibus, lib. xxiii; for the illustrations in Mandeville, see the Strasburg edition, 1484; for the history of the myth of the tree which produces birds, see Max Muller's lectures on the Science of Language, second series, lect.   xii.

[16] For Franz and Kircher, see Perrier, La Philosophie Zoologique avant Darwin, 1884, p. 29; for Roger, see his La Terre Saincte, Paris, 1664, pp. 89-92, 130, 218, etc.; for Hottinger, see his Historiae Creatonis Examen theologico-philologicum, Heidelberg, 1659, lib. vi, quaest.lxxxiii; for Kirchmaier, see his Disputationes Zoologicae (published collectively after his death), Jena, 1736; for Dannhauer, see his Disputationes Theologicae, Leipsic, 1707, p. 14; for Bochart, see his Hierozoikon, sive De Animalibus Sacre Scripturae, Leyden, 1712.

[17] For a very valuable and interesting study on the old idea of the generation of insects from carrion, see Osten-Sacken, on the Oxen-born Bees of the Ancients, Heidelberg, 1894; for Ray, see the work cited, London, 1827, p. 153; for Grew, see Cosmologia Sacra, or a Discourse on the Universe, as it is the Creature and Kingdom of God; chiefly written to demonstrate the Truth and Excellency of the Bible, by Dr. Nehemiah Grew, Fellow of the College of Physicians and of the Royal Society of London, 1701; for Paley and the Bridgewater Treatises, see the usual editions; also Lange, History of Rationalism.   Goethe's couplet ran as follows:

"Welche Verehrung verdient der Weltenerschopfer, der Gnadig,
Als er den Korkbaum erschuf, gleich auch die Stopfel erfand."

For the quotation from Zoeckler, see his work already cited, vol. ii, pp. 74, 440.

[18] For Acosta, see his Historia Natural y moral de las Indias, Seville, 1590 - the quaint English translation is of London, 1604; for Abraham Milius, see his De Origine Animalium et Migratione Popularum, Geneva, 1667; also Kosmos, 1877, H. I, S. 36; for Linnaeus's declaration regarding species, see the Philosophia Botanica, 99, 157; for Calmet and Linnaeus, see Zoeckler, vol. ii, p. 237.   As to the enormously increasing numbers of species in zoology and botany, see President D. S. Jordan, Science Sketches, pp. 176, 177; also for pithy statement, Laing's Problems of the Future, chap. vi.

[19] For the Chaldean view of creation, see George Smith, Chaldean Account of Genesis, New York, 1876, pp. 14,15, and 64- 86; also Lukas, as above; also Sayce, Religion of the Ancient Babylonians, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, pp. 371 and elsewhere; as to the fall of man, Tower of Babel, sacredness of the number seven, etc., see also Delitzsch, appendix to the German translation of Smith, pp. 305 et seq.; as to the almost exact adoption of the Chaldean legends into the Hebrew sacred account, see all these, as also Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, Giessen, 1883, early chapters; also article Babylonia in the Encyclopedia Britannica; as to simialr approval of creation by the Creator in both accounts, see George Smith, p. 73; as to the migration of the Babylonian legends to the Hebrews, see Schrader, Whitehouse's translation, pp. 44,45; as to the Chaldaean belief ina solid firmament, while Schrader in 1883 thought it not proved, Jensen in 1890 has found it clearly expresses - see his Kosmologie der Babylonier, pp.9 et seq., also pp.   304-306, and elsewhere.   Dr. Lukas in 1893 also fully accepts this view of a Chaldean record of a "firmament" - see Kosmologie, pp.   43, etc.; see also Maspero and Sayce, the Dawn of Civilization, and for crude early ideas of evolution in Egypt, see ibid., pp. 156 et seq.

For the seven-day week among the Chaldeans and rest on the seventh day, and the proof that even the name "Sabbath" is of Chaldean origin, see Delitzsch, Beiga-ben zu Smith's Chald. Genesis, pp. 300 and 306; also Schrader; for St. Basil, see Hexaemeron and Homilies vii-ix; but for the steadfastness of Basil's view in regard to the immutability of species, see a Catholic writer on evolution and Faith in the Dublin Review for July, 1871, p. 13; for citations of St. Augustine on Genesis, see the De Genesi contra Manichoeos, lib. ii, cap. 14, in Migne, xxxiv, 188, - lib. v, cap. 5 and cap. 23, - and lib vii, cap I; for the citations from his work on the Trinity, see his De Trinitate, lib.   iii, cap. 8 and 9, in Migne, xlii, 877, 878; for the general subject very fully and adequately presented, see Osborn, From the Greeks to Darwin, New York, 1894, chaps.   ii and iii.

[20] For Bede's view of the ark and the origin of insects, see his Hexaemeron, i and ii; for Isidore, see the Etymologiae, xi, 4,and xiii, 22; for Peter Lombard, see Sent., lib. ii, dist.   xv, 4 (in Migne, cxcii, 682); for St. Thomas Aquinas as to the laws of Nature, see Summae Theologica, i, Quaest.   lxvii, art.   iv; for his discussion on Avicenna's theory of the origin of animals, see ibid., i Quaest.   lxxi, vol. i, pp. 1184 and 1185, of Migne's edit.; for his idea as to the word of God being the active producing principle, see ibid., i, Quaest.   lxxi, art.   i; for his remarks on species, see ibid, i, Quaest.   lxxii, art.   i; for his ideas on the necessity of the procreation of man, see ibid, i, Quaest.   lxxii, art.   i; for the origin of animals from putrefaction, see ibid, i, Quaest.   lxxix, art.   i, 3; for Cornelius a Lapide on the derivative creation of animals, see his In Genesim Comment., cap. i, cited by Mivart, Genesis of Species, p.   282; for a reference to Suarez's denunciation of the view of St.   Augustine, see Huxley's Essays.

[21] For Descartes and his relation to the Copernican theory, see Saisset, Descartes et ses Precurseurs; also Fouillee, Descartes, Paris, 1893, chaps.   ii and iii; also other authorities cited in my chapter on Astronomy; for his relation to the theory of evolution, see the Principes de Philosophie, 3eme partie, S 45. For de Maillet, see Quatrefages, Darwin et ses Precurseurs francais, chap i, citing D'Archiac, Paleontologie, Stratigraphie, vol.   i; also, Perrier, La Philosophie zoologique avant Darwin, chap.   vi; also the admirable article Evolution, by Huxley, in Ency.   Brit.   The title of De Maillet's book is Telliamed, ou Entretiens d'un Philosophe indien avec un Missionaire francais sur la Diminution de la Mer, 1748, 1756.   For Buffon, see the authorities previously given, also the chapter on Geology in this work.   For the resistance of both Catholic and Protestant authorities to the Linnaean system and ideas, see Alberg, Life of Linnaeus, London, 1888, pp. 143-147, and 237.   As to the creation medallions at the Cathedral of Upsala, it is a somewhat curious coincidence that the present writer came upon them while visiting that edifice during the preparation of this chapter.

[22] For Agassiz's opposition to evolution, see the Essay on Classification, vol. i, 1857, as regards Lamark, and vol. iii, as regards Darwin; also Silliman's Journal, July 1860; also the Atlantic Monthly, January 1874; also his Life and Correspondence, vol.   ii, p. 647; also Asa Gray, Scientific Papers, vol. ii, p. 484.   A reminiscence of my own enables me to appreciate his deep ethical and religious feeling.   I was passing the day with him at Nahant in 1868, consulting him regarding candidates for various scientific chairs at the newly established Cornell University, in which he took a deep interest.   As we discussed one after another of the candidates, he suddenly said: "Who is to be your Professor of Moral Philosophy? That is a far more important position than all the others."

[23] For Wilberforce's article, see Quarterly Review, July, 1860. For the reply of Huxley to the bishop's speech I have relied on the account given in Quatrefages, who had it from Carpenter; a somewhat different version is given in the Life and Letters of Darwin.   For Cardinal Manning's attack, see Essays on Religion and Literature, London, 1865.   For the review articles, see the Quarterly already cited, and that for July, 1874; also the North British Review, May 1860; also, F. O.   Morris's letter in the Record, reprinted at Glasgow, 1870; also the Addresses of Rev. Walter Mitchell before the Victoria Institute, London, 1867; also Rev.   B.   G. Johns, Moses not Darwin, a Sermon, March 31, 1871. For the earlier American attacks, see Methodist Quarterly Review, April 1871; The American Church Review, July and October, 1865, and January, 1866.   For the Australian attack, see Science and the Bible, by the Right Reverand Charles Perry, D. D., Bishop of Melbourne, London, 1869.   For Bayma, see the Catholic World, vol. xxvi, p.782.   For the Academia, see Essays edited by Cardinal Manning, above cited; and for the Victoria Institute, see Scientia Scientarum, by a member of the Victoria Institute, London, 1865.

[24] For the French theological oppostition to the Darwinian theory, see Pozzy, La Terre at le Recit Biblique de la Creation, 1874, especially pp. 353, 363; also Felix Ducane, Etudes sur la Transformisme, 1876, especially pp. 107 to 119.   As to Fabre d'Envieu, see especially his Proposition xliii.   For the Abbe Desogres, "former Professor of Philosophy and Theology," see his Erreurs Modernes, Paris, 1878, pp. 677 and 595 to 598.   For Monseigneur Segur, see his La Foi devant la Science Moderne, sixth ed., Paris, 1874, pp. 23, 34, etc.   For Herbert Spencer's reply to Mr. Gladstone, see his study of Sociology; for the passage in the Dublin Review, see the issue for July, 1871.   For the Review in the London Times, see Nature for April 20, 1871. For Gavin Carlyle, see The Battle of Unbelief, 1870, pp. 86 and 171.   For the attacks by Michelis and Hagermann, see Natur und Offenbarung, Munster, 1861 to 1869.   For Schund, see his Darwin's Hypothese und ihr Verhaaltniss zu Religion und Moral, Stuttgart, 1869.   For Luthardt, see Fundamental Truths of Christianity, translated by Sophia Taylor, second ed., Edinburgh, 1869.   For Rougemont, see his L'Homme et le Singe, Neuchatel, 1863 (also in German trans.).   For Constantin James, see his Mes Entretiens avec l'Empereur Don Pedro sur la Darwinisme, Paris, 1888, where the papal briefs are printed in full.   For the English attacks on Darwin's Descent of Man, see the Edinburgh Review July, 1871 and elsewhere; the Dublin Review, July, 1871; the British and Foreign Evangelical Review, April, 1886.   See also The Scripture Doctrine of Creation, by the Rev. T. R. Birks, London, 1873, published by the S. p. C. K.   For Dr. Pusey's attack, see his Unscience, not Science, adverse to Faith, 1878; also Darwin's Life and Letters, vol.   ii, pp. 411, 412.

[25] For the causes of bitterness shown regarding the Darwinian hypothesis, see Reusch, Bibel und Natur, vol. ii, pp. 46 et seq. For hostility in the United States regarding the Darwinian theory, see, among a multitude of writers, the following: Dr. Charles Hodge, of Princeton, monograph, What is Darwinism? New York, 1874; also his Systematic Theology, New York, 1872,vol.   ii, part 2, Anthropology; also The Light by which we see Light, or Nature and the Scriptures, Vedder Lectures, 1875, Rutgers College, New York, 1875; also Positivism and Evolutionism, in the American Catholic Quarterly, October 1877, pp. 607, 619; and in the same number, Professor Huxley and Evolution, by Rev. A. M. Kirsch, pp. 662, 664; The Logic of Evolution, by Prof. Edward F. X.   McSweeney, D. D., July, 1879, p. 561; Das Hexaemeron und die Geologie, von p. Eirich, Pastor in Albany, N.   Y., Lutherischer Concordia-Verlag, St. Louis, Mo., 1878, pp. 81, 82, 84, 92-94; Evolutionism respecting Man and the Bible, by John T. Duffield, of Princeton, January, 1878, Princeton Review, pp. 151, 153, 154, 158, 159, 160, 188; a Lecture on Evolution , before the Nineteenth Century Club of New York, May 25, 1886, by ex- President Noah Porter, pp. 4, 26-29.   For the laudatory notice of the Rev. E. F. Burr's demolition of evolution in his book Pater Mundi, see Monthly Religious Magazine, Boston, May, 1873, p. 492. Concerning the removal of Dr. James Woodrow, Professor of Natural Science in the Columbia Theological Seminary, see Evolution or Not, in the New York Weekly Sun, October 24, 1888.   For the dealings of Spanish ecclesiastics with Dr. Chil and his Darwinian exposition, see the Revue d'Anthropologie, cited in the Academy for April 6, 1878; see also the Catholic World, xix, 433, A Discussion with an Infidel, directed against Dr. Louis Buchner and his Kraft und Stoff; also Mind and Matter, by Rev. james Tait, of Canada, p. 66 (in the third edition the author bemoans the "horrible plaudits" that "have accompanied every effort to establish man's brutal descent"); also The Church Journal, New York, May 28, 1874.   For the effort in favour of a teleological evolution, see Rev. Samuel Houghton, F. R. S., Principles of Animal Mechanics, London, 1873, preface and p. 156 and elsewhere. For the details of the persecutions of Drs.   Winchell and Woodrow, and of the Beyrout professors, with authorities cited, see my chapter on The Fall of Man and Anthropology.   For more liberal views among religious thinkers regarding the Darwinian theory, and for efforts to mitigate and adapt it to theological views, see, among the great mass of utterances, the following: Charles Kingsley's letters to Darwin, November 18, 1859, in Darwin's Life and Letters, vol. ii, p. 82; Adam Sedgwick to Charles Darwin, December 24, 1859, see ibid., vol. ii, pp. 356-359; the same to Miss Gerard, January 2, 1860, see Sedgewick's Life and Letters, vol. ii, pp. 359, 360; the same in The Spectator, London, March 24, 1860; The Rambler, March 1860, cited by Mivart, Genesis of Species, p. 30; The Dublin Review, May, 1860; The Christian Examiner, May, 1860; Charles Kingsley to F. D. Maurice in 1863, in Kingsley's Life, vol. ii, p. 171; Adam Sedgwick to Livingstone (the explorer), March 16, 1865, in Life and Letters of Sedgwick, vol. ii, pp. 410-412; the Duke of Argyll, The Reign of Law, New York, pp. 16, 18, 31, 116, 117, 120, 159; Joseph P. Thompson, D. D., LL.D., Man in Genesis and Geology, New York, 1870, pp. 48, 49, 82; Canon H. p. Liddon, Sermons preached before the University of Oxford, 1871, Sermon III; St. George Mivart, Evolution and its Consequences, Contemporary Review, Jan.   1872; British and Foreign Evangelical Review, 1872, article on The Theory of Evolution; The Lutheran Quarterly, Gettysburg, Pa., April, 1872, article by Rev. Cyrus Thomas, Assistant United States Geological Survey on The Descent of Man, pp. 214, 239, 372-376; The Lutheran Quarterly, July, 1873, article on Some Assumptions against Christianity, by Rev. C. A. Stork, Baltimore, Md., pp. 325, 326; also, in the same number, see a review of Dr. Burr's Pater Mundi, pp. 474, 475, and contrast with the review in the Andover Review of that period; an article in the Religious Magazine and Monthly Review, Boston, on Religion and Evolution, by Rev. S. R. Calthrop, September, 1873, p. 200; The Popular Science Monthly, January, 1874, article Genesis, Geology, and Evolution; article by Asa Gray, Nature, London, June 4, 1874; Materialism, by Rev. W. Streissguth, Lutheran Quarterly, July, 1875, originally written in German, and translated by J. G. Morris, D. D., pp. 406, 408; Darwinismus und Christenthum, von R. Steck, Ref.   Pfarrer in Dresden, Berlin, 1875, pp. 5,6,and 26, reprinted from the Protestantische Kirchenzeitung, and issued as a tract by the Protestantenverein; Rev. W. E. Adams, article in the Lutheran Quarterly, April, 1879, on Evolution: Shall it be Atheistic? John Wood, Bible Anticipations of Modern Science, 1880, pp. 18, 19, 22; Lutheran Quarterly, January, 1881, Some Postulates of the New Ethics, by Rev. C. A. Stork, D. D.; Lutheran Quarterly, January, 1882, The Religion of Evolution as against the Religion of Jesus, by Prof. W. H. Wynn, Iowa State Agricultural College - this article was republished as a pamphlet; Canon Liddon, prefatory note to sermon on The Recovery of St. Thomas, pp. 4, 11, 12, 13, and 26, preached in St. Paul's Cathedral, April 23, 1882; Lutheran Quarterly, January 1882, Evolution and the Scripture, by Rev. John A. Earnest, pp. 101, 105; Glimpses in the Twilight, by Rev. F. G. Lee, D. D., Edinburgh, 1885, especially pp. 18 and 19; the Hibbert Lectures for 1883, by Rev. Charles Beard, pp. 392, 393, et seq.; F. W. Farrar, D. D., Canon of Westminster, The History of Interpretation, being the Bampton Lectures for 1885, pp. 426, 427; Bishop Temple, Bampton Lectures, pp. 184-186; article Evolution in the Dictionary of Religion, edited by Rev. William Benham, 1887; Prof. Huxley, An Episcopal Trilogy, Nineteenth Century, November, 1887 - this article discusses three sermons delivered by the bishops of Carlisle, Bedford, and Manchester, in Manchester Cathedral, during the meeting of the British Association, September, 1887 - these sermons were afterward published in pamphlet form under the title The Advance of Science; John Fiske, Darwinism, and Other Essays, Boston, 1888; Harriet Mackenzie, Evolution illuminating the Bible, London, 1891, dedicated to Prof. Huxley; H. E. Rye, Hulsean Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, The Early Narratives of Genesis, London, 1892, preface, pp. vii-ix, pp. 7, 9, 11; Rev. G. M. Searle, of the Catholic University, Washington, article in the Catholic World, November, 1892, pp. 223, 227, 229, 231; for the statement from Keble College, see Rev. Mr. Illingworth, in Lux Mundi.   For Bishop Temple, see citation in Laing.   For a complete and admirable acceptance of the evolutionary theory as lifting Christian doctrine and practice to a higher plane, with suggestions for a new theology, see two Sermons by Archdeacon Wilson, of Manchester, S. p. C. K..   London, and Young & Co., New York, 1893; and for a characteristically lucid statement of the most recent development of evolution doctrines, and the relations of Spencer, Weismann, Galton, and others to them, see Lester F. Ward's Address as President of the Biological Society, Washington, 1891; also, recent articles in the leading English reviews.   For a brilliant glorification of evolution by natural selection as a doctrine necessary to thenhighest and truest view of Christianity, see Prof. Drummond's Chautaqua Lectures, published in the British Weekly, London, from April 20 to May 11, 1893.

[25b] For survivals of the early idea, among the Eskimos, of the sky as supported by mountains, and, among sundry Pacific islanders, of the sky as a firmament or vault of stone, see Tylor, Early History of Mankind, second edition, London, 1870, chap.   xi; Spencer, Sociology, vol. i, chap vii, also Andrew Lang, La Mythologie, Paris, 1886, pp. 68-73.   For the Babylonian theories, see George Smith's Chaldean Genesis, and especially the German translation by Delitzsch, Leipsic, 1876; also, Jensen, Die Kosmogonien der Babylonier, Strasburg, 1890; see especially in the appendices, pp. 9 and 10, a drawing representing the whole Babylonian scheme so closely followed in the Hebrew book Genesis. See also Lukas, Die Grundbegriffe in den Kosmogonien der alten Volker, Leipsic, 1893, for a most thorough summing up of the whole subject, with texts showing the development of Hebrew out of Chaldean and Egyptian conceptions, pp. 44, etc.; also pp. 127 et seq.   For the early view in India and Persia, see citations from the Vedas and the Zend-Avesta in Lethaby, Architecture, Mysticism, and Myth, chap. i.   For the Egyptian view, see Champollion; also Lenormant, Histoire Ancienne, Maspero, and others.   As to the figures of the heavens upon the ceilings of Egyptian temples, see Maspero, Archeologie Egyptienne, Paris, 1890; and for engravings of them, see Lepsius, Denkmaler, vol. i, Bl.   41, and vol. ix, Abth.   iv, Bl.   35; also the Description de l'Egypte, published by order of Napoleon, tome ii, Pl.   14; also Prisse d'Avennes, Art Egyptien, Atlas, tome i, Pl.   35; and especially for a survival at the Temple of Denderah, see Denon, Voyage en Egypte, Planches 129, 130.   For the Egyptian idea of "pillars of heaven," as alluded to on the stele of victory of Thotmes III,in the Cairo Museum, see Ebers, Uarda, vol. ii,p. 175, note, Leipsic, 1877.   For a similar Babylonian belief, see Sayce's Herodotus, Appendix, p. 403.   For the belief of Hebrew scriptural writers in a solid "firmament," see especially Job, xxxviii, 18; also Smith's Bible Dictionary.   For engravings showing the earth and heaven above it as conceived by Egyptians and Chaldeans, with "pillars of heaven" and "firmament," see Maspero and Sayce, Dawn of Civilization, London, 1894, pp. 17 and 543.

[26] The agency of the Pythagoreans in first spreading the doctrine of the earth's sphericity is generally acknowledged, but the first full and clear utterance of it to the world was by Aristotle.   Very fruitful, too, was the statement of the new theory given by Plato in the Timaeus; see Jowett's translation, 62, C. Also the Phaedo, pp.449 et seq.   See also Grote on Plato's doctrine on the sphericity of the earth; also Sir G. C. Lewis's Astronomy of the Ancients, London, 1862, chap. iii, section i, and note.   Cicero's mention of the antipodes, and his reference to the passage in the Timaeus, are even more remarkable than the latter, in that they much more clearly foreshadow the modern doctrine.   See his Academic Questions, ii; also Tusc. Quest., i and v, 24.   For a very full summary of the views of the ancients on the sphericity of the earth, see Kretschmer, Die physische Erkunde im christlichen Mittelalter, Wien, 1889, pp. 35 et seq.; also Eiken, Geschichte der mittelalterlichen Weltanschauung, Stuttgart, 1887, Dritter Theil, chap. vi.   For citations and summaries, see Whewell, Hist. Induct.   Sciences, vol.   i, p. 189, and St. Martin, Hist. de la Geog., Paris, 1873, p.   96; also Leopardi, Saggio sopra gli errori popolari degli antichi, Firenze, 1851, chap. xii, pp. 184 et seq.

[27] For Eusebius, see the Proep.   Ev., xv, 61.   For Basil, see the Hexaemeron, Hom.   ix.   For Lactantius, see his Inst.   Div., lib.   iii, cap. 3; also citations in Whewell, Hist. Induct. Sciences, London, 1857, vol. i, p. 194, and in St. Martin, Histoire de la Geographie, pp. 216, 217.   For the views of St. John Chrysostom, Ephraem Syrus, and other great churchmen, see Kretschmer as above, chap i.

[28] For a notice of the views of Cosmas in connection with those of Lactantius, Augustine, St. John Chrysostom, and others, see Schoell, Histoire de la Litterature Grecque, vol. vii, p. 37. The main scriptural passages referred to are as follows: (1) Isaiah xi, 22; (2) Genesis i, 6; (3) Genesis vii, 11; (4) Exodus xxiv, 10; (5) Job xxvi, 11, and xxxvii, 18 (6) Psalm cxlviii, 4, and civ, 9; (7) Ezekiel i, 22-26.   For Cosmas's theory, see Montfaucon, Collectio Nova Patrum, Paris, 1706, vol. ii, p.188; also pp. 298, 299.   The text is illustrated with engravings showing walls and solid vault (firmament), with the whole apparatus of "fountains of the great deep," "windows of heaven," angels, and the mountain behind which the sun is drawn.   For reduction of one of them, see Peschel, Gesschichte der Erdkunds, p.   98; also article Maps, in Knight's Dictionary of Mechanics, New York, 1875.   For curious drawings showing Cosmas's scheme in a different way from that given by Montfaucon, see extracts from a Vatican codex of the ninth century in Garucci, Storia de l'Arte Christiana, vol. iii, pp. 70 et seq.   For a good discussion of Cosmas's ideas, see Santarem, Hist. de la Cosmographie, vol. ii, pp.   8 et seq., and for a very thorough discussion of its details, Kretschmer, as above.   For still another theory, very droll, and thought out on similar principles, see Mungo Park, cited in De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 309.   For Cosmas's joyful summing up, see Montfaucon, Collectio Nova Patrum, vol. ii, p. 255.   For the curious survival in the thirteenth century of the old idea of the "waters above the heavens," see the story in Gervase of Tilbury, how in his time some people coming out of church in England found an anchor let down by a rope out of the heavens, how there came voices from sailors above trying to loose the anchor, and, finally, how a sailor came down the rope, who, on reaching the earth, died as if drowned in water.   See Gervase of Tilbury, Otia Imperialia, edit.   Liebrecht, Hanover, 1856, Prima Decisio, cap. xiii.   The work was written about 1211.   For John of San Germiniano, see his Summa de Exemplis, lib. ix, cap. 43.   For the Egyptian Trinitarian views, see Sharpe, History of Egypt, vol. i, pp.   94, 102.

[29] For a discussion of the geographical views of Isidore and Bede, see Santarem, Cosmographie, vol i, pp. 22-24.   For the gradual acceptance of the idea of the earth's sphericity after the eighth century, see Kretschmer, pp. 51 et seq., where citations from a multitude of authors are given.   For the views of the Reformers, see Zockler, vol. i, pp. 679 and 693.   For Calixt, Musaeus, and others, ibid., pp. 673-677 and 761.

[30] For beliefs of various nations of antiquity that the earth's center was in their most sacred place, see citations from Maspero, Charton, Sayce, and others in Lethaby, Architecture, Mysticism, and Myth, chap. iv.   As to the Greeks, we have typical statements in the Eumenides of Aeschylus, where the stone in the altar at Delphi is repeatedly called "the earth's navel" - which is precisely the expression used regarding Jerusalem in the Septuagint translation of Ezekiel (see below).   The proof texts on which the mediaeval geographers mainly relied as to the form of the earth were Ezekiel v, 5, and xxxviii, 12.   The progress of geographical knowledge evidently caused them to be softened down somewhat in our King James's version; but the first of them reads, in the Vulgate, "Ista est Hierusalem, in medio gentium posui eam et in circuitu ejus terrae"; and the second reads, in the Vulgate, "in medio terrae," and in the Septuagint, . That the literal centre of the earth was understood, see proof in St.   Jerome, Commentat.   in Ezekiel, lib. ii; and for general proof, see Leopardi, Saggio sopra gli errori popolari degli antichi, pp. 207, 208.   For Rabanus Maurus, see his De Universo, lib.   xii, cap. 4, in Migne, tome cxi, p. 339.   For Hugh of St. Victor, se his De Situ Terrarum, cap. ii.   For Dante's belief, see Inferno, canto xxxiv, 112-115:

"E se' or sotto l'emisperio giunto,
Ch' e opposito a quel che la gran secca
Coverchia, e sotto il cui colmo consunto
Fu l'uom che nacque e visse senza pecca."

For orthodox geography in the Middle Ages, see Wright's Essays on Archaeology, vol. ii, chapter on the map of the world in Hereford Cathedral; also the rude maps in Cardinal d'Ailly's Ymago Mundi; also copies of maps of Marino Sanuto and others in Peschel, Erdkunde, p. 210; also Munster, Fac Simile dell' Atlante di Andrea Bianco, Venezia, 1869.   And for discussions of the whole subject, see Satarem, vol. ii, p. 295, vol. iii, pp. 71, 183, 184, and elsewhere.   For a brief summary with citations, see Eiken, Geschichte, etc., pp. 622, 623.

[31] For the site of the cross on Calvary, as the point where stood "the tree of the knowledge of good and evil" in Eden, at the centre of the earth, see various Eastern travellers cited in Tobler; but especially the travels of Bishop Arculf in the Holy Land, in Wright's Early Travels in Palestine, p. 8; also Travels of Saewulf, ibid, p. 38; also Sir John Mandeville, ibid., pp. 166, 167.   For Roger, see his La Terre Saincte, Paris, 1664, pp. 89-217, etc.; see also Quaresmio, Terrae Sanctae Elucidatio, 1639, for similar view; and, for one narrative in which the idea was developed into an amazing mass of pious myths, see Pilgrimage of the Russian Abbot Daniel, edited by Sir C. W. Wilson, London, 1885, p. 14.   (The passage deserves to be quoted as an example of myth-making; it is as follows: "At the time of our Lord's crucifixion, when he gave up the ghost on the cross, the veil of the temple was rent, and the rock above Adam's skull opened, and the blood and water which flowed from Christ's side ran down through the fissure upon the skull, thus washing away the sins of men.")

[32] For Gog and Magog, see Ezekiel xxxviii and xxxix, and Rev. xx, 8; and for the general subject, Toy, Judaism and Christianity, Boston, 1891, pp. 373, 374.   For maps showing these two great terrors, and for geographical discussion regarding them, see Lelewel, Geog.   du Moyen Age, Bruxelles, 1850, Atlas; also Ruge, Gesch.   des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, Berlin, 1881, pp.   78, 79; also Peschel's Abhandlungen, pp.28-35, and Gesch.   der Erdkunde, p. 210.   For representations on maps of the "Four Winds," see Charton, Voyageurs, tome ii, p. 11; also Ruge, as above, pp. 324, 325; also for a curious mixture of the scriptural winds issuing from the bags of Aeolus, see a map of the twelfth century in Leon Gautier, La Chevalerie, p. 153; and for maps showing additional winds, see various editions of Ptolemy.   For a map with angels turning the earth by means of cranks at the poles, see Grynaeus, Novus Orbis, Basileae, 1537.   For the globe kept spinning by the Almighty, see J. Hondius's map, 1589; and for Heylin, his first folio, 1652, p. 27.

[33]For the opinions of Basil, Ambrose, and others, see Lecky, History of Rationalism in Europe, New York, 1872, vol. i, p. 279. Also Letronne, in Revue des Deux Mondes, March, 1834.   For Lactantius, see citations already given.   For St. Augustine's opinion, see the De Civitate Dei, xvi, 9, where this great father of the church shows that the antipodes "nulla ratione credendum est." For the unanimity of the fathers against the antipodes, see Zockler, vol. 1, p. 127.   For a very naive summary, see Joseph Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies, Grimston's translation, republished by the Hakluyt Soc., chaps.   vii and viii; also citations in Buckle's Posthumous Works, vol. ii, p. 645.   For Procopius of Gaza, see Kretschmer, p. 55.   See also, on the general subject, Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkunde, pp. 96-97. For Isidore, see citations already given.   To understand the embarrassment caused by these utterances of the fathers to scientific men of a later period, see letter of Agricola to Joachim Vadianus in 1514.   Agricola asks Vadianus to give his views regarding the antipodes, saying that he himself does not know what to do, between the fathers on the one side and the learned men of modern times on the other.   On the other hand, for the embarrassment caused to the Church by this mistaken zeal of the fathers, see Kepler's references and Fromund's replies; also De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 58.   Kepler appears to have taken great delight in throwing the views of Lactantius into the teeth of his adversaries.

[34] For Virgil of Salzburg, see Neander's History of the Christian Church, Torrey's translation, vol. iii, p. 63; also Herzog, Real-Encyklopadie, etc., recent edition by Prof. Hauck, s.   v.   Virgilius; also Kretschmer, pp. 56-58; also Whewell, vol. i, p. 197; also De Morgan, Budget of Paradoxes, pp. 24-26.   For very full notes as to pagan and Christian advocates of the doctrine of the sphericity of the earth and of the antipodes, and for extract from Zachary's letter, see Migne, Patrologia, vol. vi, p. 426, and vol. xli, p. 487.   For St. Boniface's part, see Bonifacii Epistolae, ed.   Giles, i, 173.   Berger de Xivrey, Traditions Teratologiques, pp. 186-188, makes a curious attempt to show that Pope Zachary denounced the wrong man; that the real offender was a Roman poet - in the sixth book of the Aeneid and the first book of the Georgics.

[35] For Vincent of Beauvais and the antipode, see his Speculum Naturale, Book VII, with citations from St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, cap. xvi.   For Albert the Great's doctrine regarding the antipodes, compare Kretschmer, as above, with Eicken, Geschichte, etc., p. 621.   Kretschmer finds that Albert supports the doctrine, and Eicken finds that he denies it - a fair proof that Albert was not inclined to state his views with dangerous clearness.   For D'Oresme, see Santerem, Histoire de la Cosmographie, vol. i, p. 142.   For Peter of Abano, or Apono, as he is often called, see Tiraboschi, also Guinguene, vol. ii, p. 293; also Naude, Histoire des Grands Hommes soupconnes de Magie. For Cecco d'Ascoli, see Montucla, Histoire de Mathematiques, i, 528; also Daunou, Etudes Historiques, vol. vi, p. 320; also Kretschmer, p. 59.   Concerning Orcagna's representation of Cecco in the flames of hell, see Renan, Averroes et l'Averroisme, Paris, 1867, p. 328.

[36] For D'Ailly's acceptance of St. Augustine's argument, see the Ymago Mundi, cap. vii.   For Tostatus, see Zockler, vol. i, pp.   467, 468.   He based his opposition on Romans x, 18.   For Columbus, see Winsor, Fiske, and Adams; also Humboldt, Histoire de la Geographie du Nouveau Continent.   For the bull of Alexander VI, see Daunou, Etudes Historiques, vol. ii, p. 417; also Peschel, Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, Book II, chap. iv.   The text of the bull is given with an English translation in Arber's reprint of The First Three English Books on America, etc., Birmingham, 1885, pp. 201-204; also especially Peschel, Die Theilung der Erde unter Papst Alexander VI and Julius II, Leipsic, 1871, pp. 14 et seq.   For remarks on the power under which the line was drawn by Alexander VI, see Mamiani, Del Papato nei Tre Ultimi Secoli, p. 170.   For maps showing lines of division, see Kohl, Die beiden altesten General-Karten von Amerika, Weimar, 1860, where maps of 1527 and 1529 are reproduced; also Mercator, Atlas, tenth edition, Amsterdam, 1628, pp.   70, 71.   For latest discussion on The Demarcation Line of Alexander VI, see E.G. Bourne in Yale Review, May, 1892.   For the Margarita Philosophica, see the editions of 1503, 1509, 1517, lib.   vii, cap. 48.   For the effect of Magellan's voyages, and the reluctance to yield to proof, see Henri Martin, Histoire de France, vol. xiv, p. 395; St. Martin's Histoire de la Geographie, p.   369; Peschel, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, concluding chapters; and for an admirable summary, Draper, Hist. Int.   Devel.   of Europe, pp. 451-453; also an interesting passage in Sir Thomas Brown's Vulgar and Common Errors, Book I, chap. vi; also a striking passage in Acosta, chap. ii.   For general statement as to supplementary proof by measurement of degrees and by pendulum, see Somerville, Phys.   Geog., chap. i, par.   6, note; also Humboldt, Cosmos, vol. ii, p. 736, and vol. v, pp. 16, 32; also Montucla, iv, 138.   As to the effect of travel, see Acosta's history above cited.   The good missionary says, in Grimston's quaint translation, "Whatsoever Lactantius saith, wee that live now at Peru, and inhabite that parte of the worlde which is opposite to Asia and theire Antipodes, finde not ourselves to bee hanging in the aire, our heades downward and our feete on high."

[37] For this error, so fruitful in discovery, see D'Ailly, Ymago Mundi; the passage referred to is fol.   12 verso.   For the passage from Esdras, see chap. vi, verses 42, 47, 50, and 52; see also Zockler, Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie und Naturweissenschaft, vol. i, p. 461.   For one of the best recent statements, see Ruge, Gesch.   des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, Berlin, 1882, pp. 221 et seq.   For a letter of Columbus acknowledging his indebtedness to this mistake in Esdras, see Navarrete, Viajes y Descubrimientos, Madrid, 1825, tome i, pp. 242, 264; also Humboldt, Hist. de la Geographie du Nouveau Continent, vol. i, pp. 68, 69.

[38] For Servetus's geographical offense, see Rilliet, Relation du Proces criminel contre Michel Servet d'apres les Documents originaux, Geneva, 1844, pp. 42,43; also Willis, Servetus and Calvin, London, 1877, p. 325.   The passage condemned is in the Ptolemy of 1535, fol.   41.   It was discreetly retrenched in a reprint of the same edition.

[39] As to the earlier mixture in the motives of Columbus, it may be well to compare with the earlier biographies the recent ones by Dr. Winsor and President Adams.

[40] For passage cited from Clement of Alexandria, see English translation, Edinburgh, 1869, vol. ii, p. 368; also the Miscellanies, Book V, cap. vi.   For typical statements by St. Augustine, see De Genesi, ii, cap. ix, in Migne, Patr.   Lat., tome xxiv, pp. 270-271.   For Origen's view, see the De Principiis, lib.   i, cap. vii; see also Leopardi's Errori Populari, cap. xi; also Wilson's Selections from the Prophetic Scriptures in Ante-Nicene Library, p. 132.   For Philo Judaeus, see On the Creation of the World, chaps.   xviii and xix, and On Monarchy, chap.   i.   For St. Isidore, see the De Ordine Creaturarum, cap v, in Migne, Patr.   Lat., lxxxiii, pp. 923-925; also 1000, 1001.   For Philastrius, see the De Hoeresibus, chap. cxxxiii, in Migne, tome xii, p. 1264.   For Cosmas's view, see his Topographia Christiana, in Montfaucon, Col.   Nov.   Patrum, ii, p. 150, and elsewhere as cited in my chapter on Geography.

[41] As to the respectibility of the geocentric theory, etc., see Grote's Plato, vol. iii, p. 257; also Sir G. C. Lewis's Astronomy of the Ancients, chap. iii, sec.   1, for a very thoughtful statement of Plato's view, and differing from ancient statements. For plausible elaboration of it, and for supposed agreement of the Scripture with it, see Fromundus, Anti-Aristarchus, Antwerp, 1631; also Melanchthon's Initia Doctrinae Physicae.   For an admirable statement of the theological view of the geocentric theory, antipodes, etc., see Eicken, Geschichte und System der mittelalterlichen Weltanschauung, pp. 618 et seq.

[42] For the beliefs of Chaldean astronomers in revolving spheres carrying sun, moon, and planets, in a solid firmament supporting the celestial waters, and in angels as giving motion to the planets, see Lenormant; also Lethaby, 13-21; also Schroeder, Jensen, Lukas, et al.   For the contribution of the pseudo- Dionysius to mediaeval cosmology, see Dion.   Areopagita, De Coelesti Hierarchia, vers.   Joan.   Scoti, in Migne, Patr.   Lat., cxxii.   For the contribution of Peter Lombard, see Pet.   Lomb., Libr.   Sent., II, i, 8,-IV, i, 6, 7, in Migne, tome 192.   For the citations from St. Thomas Aquinas, see the Summa, ed.   Migne, especially Pars I, Qu.   70, (tome i, pp. 1174-1184); also Quaestio 47, Art.   iii.   For good general statement, see Milman, Latin Christianity, iv, 191 et seq.; and for relation of Cosmas to these theologians of western Europe, see Milman, as above, viii, 228, note.

[43] For the central sun, hierarchy of angels, and concentric circles, see Dante, Paradiso, canto xxviii.   For the words of St. Thomas Aquinas, showing to Virgil and Dante the great theologians of the Middle Ages, see canto x, and in Dean Plumptre's translation, vol. ii, pp. 56 et seq.; also Botta, Dante, pp. 350, 351.   As to Dante's deep religious feeling and belief in his own divine mission, see J. R. Lowell, Among my Books, vol. i, p. 36. For a remarkable series of coloured engravings, showing Dante's whole cosmology, see La Materia della Divina Comedia di Dante dichiriata in vi tavole, da Michelangelo Caetani, published by the monks of Monte Cassino, to whose kindness I am indebted for my copy.

[44] For the earlier cosmology of Cosmas, with citations from Montfaucon, see the chapter on Geography in this work.   For the views of mediaeval theologians, see foregoing notes in this chapter.   For the passages of Scripture on which the theological part of this structure was developed, see especially Romans viii, 38; Ephesians i, 21; Colossians i, 16 aand ii, 15; and innumerable passages in the Old Testament.   As to the music of the spheres, see Dean Plumptre's Dante, vol. ii, p. 4, note.   For an admirable summing up of the mediaeval cosmology in its relation to thought in general, see Rydberg, Magic of the Middle Ages, chap. i, whose summary I have followed in the main.   For striking woodcuts showing the view taken of the successive heavens with their choirs of angels, the earth being at the centre with the spheres about it, and the Almighty on his throne above all, see the Neuremberg Chronicle, ff.   iv and v; its date is 1493.   For charts showing the continuance of this general view down to the beginning of the sixteenth century, see the various editions of the Margarita Philosophica, from that of 1503 onward, astronomical part.   For interesting statements regarding the Trinities of gods in ancient Egypt, see Sharpe, History of Egypt, vol.   i, pp. 94 and 101.   The present writer once heard a lecture in Cairo, from an eminent Scotch Doctor of Medicine, to account for the ancient Hindu and Egyptian sacred threes and trinities. The lecturer's theory was that, when Jehovah came down into the Garden of Eden and walked with Adam in "the cool of the day," he explained his triune character to Adam, and that from Adam it was spread abroad to the various ancient nations.

[45] For the germs of heliocentric theory planted long before, see Sir G. C. Lewis; and for a succinct statement of the claims of Pythagoras, Philolaus, Aristarchus, and Martianus Capella, see Hoefer, Hisoire de l'Astronomie, 1873, p. 107 et seq.; also Heller, Geschichte der Physik, Stuttgart, 1882, vol. i, pp. 12, 13; also pp. 99 et seq.   For germs among thinkers of India, see Whewell, vol. i, p. 277; also Whitney, Oriental and Linguistic Studies, New York, 1874; Essay on the Lunar Zodiac, p. 345.   For the views of Vincent of Beauvais, see his Speculum Naturale, lib. xvi, cap. 21.   For Cardinal d'Ailly's view, see his treatise De Concordia Astronomicae Veritatis cum Theologia (in his Ymago Mundi and separately).   For general statement of De Cusa's work, see Draper, Intellectual Development of Europe, p. 512.   For skilful use of De Cusa's view in order to mitigate censure upon the Church for its treatment of Copernicus's discovery, see an article in the Catholic World for January, 1869.   For a very exact statement, in the spirit of judicial fairness, see Whewell, History of the Inductive Sciences, p. 275, and pp. 379, 380.   In the latter, Whewell cites the exact words of De Cusa in the De Docta Ignorantia, and sums up in these words: "This train of thought might be a preparation for the reception of the Copernican system; but it is very different from the doctrine that the sun is the centre of the planetary system." Whewell says: "De Cusa propounded the doctrine of the motion of the earth more as a paradox than as a reality.   We can not consider this as any distinct anticipation of a profound and consistent view of the truth." On De Cusa, see also Heller, vol. i, p. 216.   For Aristotle's views, and their elaboration by St. Thomas Aquinas, see the De Coelo et Mundo, sec.   xx, and elsewhere in the latter. It is curious to see how even such a biographer as Archbishop Vaughan slurs over the angelic Doctor's errors.   See Vaughan's Life and Labours of St. Thomas of Aquin, pp. 459, 460.

As to Copernicus's danger at Rome, the Catholic World for January, 1869, cites a speech of the Archbishop of Mechlin before the University of Louvain, to the effect that Copernicus defended his theory at Rome, in 1500, before two thousand scholars; also, that another professor taught the system in 1528, and was made apostolic notary by Clement VIII.   All this, even if the doctrines taught were identical with Copernicus as finally developed - which is simply not the case - avails nothing against the overwhelming testimony that Copernicus felt himself in danger - testimony which the after-history of the Copernican theory renders invincible.   The very title of Fromundus's book, already cited, published within a few miles of the archbishop's own cathedral, and sanctioned expressly by the theological faculty of that same University of Louvain in 1630, utterly refutes the archbishop's idea that the Church was inclined to treat Copernicus kindly.   The title is as follows: Ant-Aristarchus sive Orbis-Terrae Immobilis, in quo decretum S. Congregationis S. R. E. Cardinal.   an.   M.DC.XVI adversus Pythagorico-Copernicanos editum defenditur, Antverpiae, MDCXXI. L'Epinois, Galilee, Paris, 1867, lays stress, p. 14, on the broaching of the doctrine by De Cusa in 1435, and by Widmanstadt in 1533, and their kind treatment by Eugenius IV and Clement VII; but this is absolutely worthless in denying the papal policy afterward.   Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, vol. i, pp. 217, 218, while admitting that De Cusa and Widmanstadt sustained this theory and received honors from their respective popes, shows that, when the Church gave it serious consideration, it was condemned.   There is nothing in this view unreasonable.   It would be a parallel case to that of Leo X, at first inclined toward Luther and others, in their "squabbles with the envious friars," and afterward forced to oppose them.   That Copernicus felt the danger, is evident, among other things, by the expression in the preface: "Statim me explodendum cum tali opinione clamitant." For dangers at Wittenberg, see Lange, as above, vol. i, p. 217.

[46] Osiander, in a letter to Copernicus, dated April 20, 1541, had endeavored to reconcile him to such a procedure, and ends by saying, "Sic enim placidiores reddideris peripatheticos et theologos quos contradicturos metuis." See Apologia Tychonis in Kepler's Opera Omnia, Frisch's edition, vol. i, p. 246.   Kepler holds Osiander entirely responsible for this preface.   Bertrand, in his Fondateurs de l"astronomie moderne, gives its text, and thinks it possible that Copernicus may have yielded "in pure condescension toward his disciple." But this idea is utterly at variance with expressions in Copernicus's own dedicatory letter to the Pope, which follows the preface.   For a good summary of the argument, see Figuier, Savants de la Renaissance, pp. 378, 379; see also citation from Gassendi's Life of Copernicus, in Flammarion, Vie de Copernic, p. 124.   Mr. John Fiske, accurate as he usually is, in his Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy appears to have followed Laplace, Delambre, and Petit into the error of supposing that Copernicus, and not Osiander, is responsible for the preface.   For the latest proofs, see Menzer's translation of Copernicus's work, Thorn, 1879, notes on pp. 3 and 4 of the appendix.

[47] See Flammarion, Vie de Copernic, p. 190.

[48] The authorities deciding this matter in accordance with the wishes of Pope V and Cardinal Bellarmine were the Congregation of the Index, or cardinals having charge of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum.   Recent desperate attempts to fasten the responsibility on them as individuals seem ridiculous in view of the simple fact that their work was sanctioned by the highest Church authority, and required to be universally accepted by the Church.   Eleven different editions of the Index in my own possession prove this.   Nearly all of these declare on their title-pages that they are issued by order of the pontiff of the period, and each is preface by a special papal bull or letter. See especially the Index of 1664, issued under order of Alexander VII, and that of 1761, under Benedict XIV.   Copernicus's statements were prohibited in the Index "donec corrigantur." Kepler said that it ought to be worded "donec explicetur." See Bertand, Fondateurs de l'Astronomie moderne, p. 57.   De Morgan, pp.   57-60, gives the corrections required by the Index of 1620. Their main aim seems to be to reduce Copernicus to the grovelling level of Osiander, making his discovery a mere hypothesis; but occasionally they require a virtual giving up of the whole Copernican doctrine - e.g., "correction" insisted upon for chap. viii, p. 6.   For a scholarly account of the relation between Prohibitory and Expurgatory Indexes to each other, see Mendham, Literary Policy of the Church of Rome; also Reusch, Index der verbotenen Bucher, Bonn, 1855, vol. ii, chaps i and ii.   For a brief but very careful statement, see Gebler, Galileo Galilei, English translation, London, 1879, chap. i; see also Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, article Galileo, p.8.

[49] For Joseph Acosta's statement, see the translation of his History, published by the Hakluyt Society, chap. ii.   For Peter Apian, see Madler, Geschichte der Astronomie, Braunschweig, 1873, vol.   i, p. 141.   For evidences of the special favour of Charles V,see Delambre, Histoire de l'Astronomie au Moyen Age, p. 390; also Bruhns, in the Allgemeine deutsche Biographie.   For an attempted apology for him, see Gunther, Peter and Philipp Apian, Prag, 1822, p. 62.

[50] See the Tischreden in the Walsch edition of Luther's Works, 1743, vol. xxii, p. 2260; also Melanchthon's Initia Doctrinae Physicae.   This treatise is cited under a mistaken title by the Catholic World, September, 1870.   The correct title is as given above; it will be found in the Corpus Reformatorum, vol. xiii (ed.   Bretschneider, Halle, 1846), pp. 216, 217.   See also Madler, vol.   i, p. 176; also Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, vol. i, p.   217; also Prowe, Ueber die Abhangigkeit des Copernicus, Thorn, 1865, p. 4; also note, pp. 5, 6, where text is given in full.

[51] On the teachings on Protestantism as regards the Copernican theory, see citations in Canon Farrar's History of Interpretation, preface, xviii; also Rev. Dr. Shields, of Princeton, The Final Philosophy, pp. 60, 61.

[52] For treatment of Copernican ideas by the people, see The Catholic World, as above; also Melanchthon, ubi supra; also Prowe, Copernicus, Berlin, 1883, vol. i, p. 269, note; also pp. 279, 280; also Madler, i, p.167.   For Rector Hensel, see Rev. Dr. Shield's Final Philosophy, p. 60.   For details of recent Protestant efforts against evolution doctrines, see the chapter on the Fall of Man and Anthropology in this work.

[53] For Bruno, see Bartholmess, Vie de Jordano Bruno, Paris, 1846, vol. i, p.121 and pp. 212 et seq.; also Berti, Vita di Giordano Bruno, Firenze, 1868, chap. xvi; also Whewell, vol. i, pp.   272, 273.   That Whewell is somewhat hasty in attributing Bruno's punishment entirely to the Spaccio della Bestia Trionfante will be evident, in spite of Montucla, to anyone who reads the account of the persecution in Bartholmess or Berti; and even if Whewell be right, the Spaccio would never have been written but for Bruno's indignation at ecclesiastical oppression. See Tiraboschi, vol. vii, pp. 466 et seq.

[54] For the relation of these discoveries to Copernicus's work, see Delambre, Histoire de l'Astronomie moderne, discours preliminaire, p. xiv; also Laplace, Systeme du Monde, vol. i, p. 326; and for more careful statements, Kepler's Opera Omnia, edit. Frisch, tome ii, p. 464.   For Copernicus's prophecy, see Cantu, Histoire Univerelle, vol. xv, p. 473.   (Cantu was an eminent Roman Catholic.)

[55] A very curious example of this sham science employed by theologians is seen in the argument, frequently used at that time, that, if the earth really moved, a stone falling from a height would fall back of a point immediately below its point of starting.   This is used by Fromundus with great effect.   It appears never to have occurred to him to test the matter by dropping a stone from the topmast of a ship.   Bezenburg has mathematically demonstrated just such an abberation in falling bodies, as is mathematically required by the diurnal motion of the earth.   See Jevons, Principles of Science, pp. 388, 389, second edition, 1877.

[56] See Delambre on the discovery of the satellites of Jupiter as the turning-point with the heliocentric doctrine.   As to its effects on Bacon, see Jevons, p. 638, as above.   For argument drawn from the candlestick and the seven churches, see Delambre, p.   20.

[57] For principle points as given, see Libri, Histoire des Sciences mathematiques en Italie, vol. iv, p. 211; De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 26, for account of Father Clavius.   It is interesting to know that Clavius, in his last years, acknowledged that "the whole system of the heavens is broken down, and must be mended," Cantu, Histoire Universelle, vol. xv, p. 478.   See Th. Martin, Galilee, pp. 34, 208, and 266; also Heller, Geschichte der Physik, Stuttgart, 1882, vol. i, p. 366.   For the original documents, see L'Epinois, pp.34 and 36; or better, Gebler's careful edition of the trial (Die Acten des Galileischen Processes, Stuttgart, 1877), pp. 47 et seq.   Martin's translation seems somewhat too free.   See also Gebler, Galileo Galilei, English translation, London, 1879, pp. 76-78; also Reusch, Der Process Galilei's und die Jesuiten, Bonn, 1879, chaps.   ix, x, xi.

[58] See Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, vol. iii.

[59] For various objectors and objections to Galileo by his contemporaries, see Libri, Histoire des Sciences mathematiques en Italie, vol. iv, p. 233, 234; also Martin, Vie de Galilee.   For Father Lecazre's argument, see Flammarion, Mondes imaginaires et mondes reels, 6th ed., pp. 315, 316.   For Melanchthon's argument, see his Initia in Opera, vol. iii, Halle, 1846.

[60] For curious exemplification of the way in which these weapons have been hurled, see lists of persons charged with "infidelity" and "atheism," in the Dictionnaire des Athees., Paris, [1800]; also Lecky, History of Rationalism, vol. ii, p. 50.   For the case of Descartes, see Saisset, Descartes et ses Precurseurs, pp. 103, 110.   For the facility with which the term "atheist" has been applied from the early Aryans down to believers in evolution, see Tylor, Primitive Culture, vol. i, p. 420.

[61] I am aware that the theory proposed by Wohwill and developed by Gebler denied that this promise was ever made by Galileo, and holds that the passage was a forgery devised later by the Church rulers to justify the proceedings of 1632 and 1644. This would make the conduct of the Church worse, but authorities as eminent consider the charge not proved.   A careful examination of the documents seems to disprove it.

[62] For Father Inchofer's attack, see his Tractatus Syllepticus, cited in Galileo's letter to Deodati, July 28, 1634.   For Fromundus's more famous attack, see his Ant-Aristarchus, already cited, passim, but especially the heading of chap. vi, and the argument in chapters x and xi.   A copy of this work may be found in the Astor Library at New York, and another in the White Library at Cornell University.   For interesting references to one of Fromundus's arguments, showing, by a mixture of mathematics and theology, that the earth is the centre of the universe, see Quetelet, Histoire des Sciences mathematiques et physiques, Bruxelles, 1864, p. 170; also Madler, Geschichte der Astronomie, vol.   i, p. 274.   For Bodin's opposition to the Copernican theory, see Hallam, Literature of Europe; also Lecky.   For Sir Thomas Brown, see his Vulgar and Common Errors, book iv, chap. v; and as to the real reason for his disbelief in the Copernican view, see Dr.   Johnson's preface to his Life of Browne, vol. i, p. xix, of his collected works.

[63] For various utterances of Pope Urban against the Copernican theory at this period, see extracts from the original documents given by Gebler.   For punishment of those who had shown some favor to Galileo, see various citations, and especially those from the Vatican manuscript, Gebler, p. 216.   As to the text of the abjuration, see L'Epinois; also Polacco, Anticopernicus, etc., Venice, 1644; and for a discussion regarding its publication, see Favaro, Miscellanea Galileana, p. 804.   It is not probable that torture in the ordinary sense was administered to Galileo, though it was threatened.   See Th.   Martin, Vie de Galilee, for a fair summing up of the case.

[64] For the substitution of the word "notorious" for "renowned" by order of the Inquisition, see Martin, p.227.

[65] For a copy of this document, see Gebler, p. 269.   As to the spread of this and similar documents notifying Europe of Galileo's condemnation, see Favaro, pp. 804, 805.

[66] For Chiaramonti's book and selections given, see Gebler as above, p. 271.   For Polacco, see his work as cited, especially Assertiones i, ii, vii, xi, xiii, lxxiii, clcccvii, and others. The work is in the White Library at Cornell University.   The date of it is 1644.

[67] For the persecutions of Galileo's memory after his death, see Gebler and Wohwill, but especially Th.   Martin, p. 243 and chaps.   ix and x.   For documentary proofs, see L'Epinois.   For a collection of the slanderous theories invented against Galileo, see Martin, final chapters and appendix.   Both these authors are devoted to the Church, but unlike Monsignor Marini, are too upright to resort to the pious fraud of suppressing documents or interpolating pretended facts.

[68] For Clovius, see Zoeckler, Geschichte, vol. i, pp. 684 and 763.   For Calvin and Turretin, see Shields, The Final Philosophy, pp.   60, 61.

[69] For the attitude of Leibnetz, Hutchinson, and the others named toward the Newtonian theory, see Lecky, History of England in the Eighteenth Century, chap. ix.   For John Wesley, see his Compendium of Natural Philosophy, being a Survey of the Wisdom of God in the Creation, London, 1784.   See also Leslie Stephen, Eighteenth Century, vol. ii, p. 413.   For Owen, see his Works, vol.   xix, p. 310.   For Cotton Mather's view, see The Christian Philosopher, London, 1721, especially pp. 16 and 17.   For the case of Priestley, see Weld, History of the Royal Society, vol. ii, p. 56, for the facts and the admirable letter of Priestley upon this rejection.   For Blaer, see his L'Usage des Globes, Amsterdam, 1642.

[70] For the amusing details of the attempt in the English Church to repress science, and of the way in which it was met, see De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 42.   For Pastor Knak and his associates, see the Revue des Deux Mondes, 1868.   Of the recent Lutheran works against the Copernican astronomy, see especially Astronomische Unterredung zwischen einem Liebhaber der Astronomie und mehreren beruhmten Astronomer der Neuzeit, by J. C. W. L., St.   Louis, 1873.

[71] See Bruhns and Lassell, Life of Humboldt, London, 1873, vol. ii, p. 411.

[72] For Descartes's discouragement, see Humboldt, Cosmos, London, 1851, vol iii, p. 21; also Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, English translation, vol. i, pp. 248, 249, where the letters of Descartes are given, showing his despair, and the relinquishment of his best thoughts and works in order to preserve peace with the Church; also Saisset, Descartes et ses Precurseurs, pp. 100 et seq.; also Jolly, Histoire du Mouvement intellectuel au XVI Siecle, vol. i, p. 390.

[73] For Campanella, see Amabile, Fra Tommaso Campanella, Naples, 1882, especially vol. iii; also Libri, vol. iv, pp. 149 et seq. Fromundus, speaking of Kepler's explanation, says, "Vix teneo ebullientem risum." This is almost equal to the New York Church Journal, speaking of John Stuart Mill as "that small sciolist," and of the preface to Dr. Draper's great work as "chippering." How a journal, generally so fair in its treatment of such subjects, can condescend to such weapons is one of the wonders of modern journalism.   For the persecution of Kepler, see Heller, Geschichte der Physik, vol. i, pp. 281 et seq; also Reuschle, Kepler und die Astronomie, Frankfurt A. M., 1871, pp. 87 et seq. There is a poetic justice in the fact that these two last-named books come from Wurtemberg professors.   See also The New-Englander for March, 1884, p. 178.

[74] For Cassini's position, see Henri Martin, Histoire de France, vol. xiii, p. 175.   For Riccioli, see Daunou, Etudes Historiques, vol. ii, p. 439.   For Boussuet, see Bertrand, p. 41. For Hutchinson, see Lyell, Principles of Geology, p. 48.   For Wesley, see his work, already cited.   As to Boscovich, his declaration, mentioned in the text, was in 1746, but in 1785 he seemed to feel his position in view of history, and apologized abjectly; Bertrand, pp. 60, 61.   See also Whewell's notice of Le Sueur and Jacquier's introduction to their edition of Newton's Principia.   For the struggle in Germany, see Zoeckler, Geschichte der Beziehungenzwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft, vol. ii, pp.   45 et seq.

[75] For good statements of the final action of the Church in the matter, see Gebler; also Zoeckler, ii, 352.   See also Bertrand, Fondateurs de l'Astronomie moderne, p. 61; Flammarion, Vie de Copernic, chap. ix.   As to the time when the decree of condemnation was repealed, there have been various pious attempts to make it earlier than the reality.   Artaud, p. 307, cited in an apologetic article in the Dublin Review, September, 1865, says that Galileo's famous dialogue was published in 1714, at Padua, entire, and with the usual approbations.   The same article also declares that in 1818, the ecclesiastical decrees were repealed by Pius VII in full Consistory.   Whewell accepts this; but Cantu, an authority favourable to the Church, acknowledges that Copernicus's work remained on the Index as late as 1835 (Cantu, Histoire universelle, vol. xv, p. 483); and with this Th.   Martin, not less favourable to the Church, but exceedingly careful as to the facts, agrees; and the most eminent authority of all, Prof. Reusch, of Bonn, in his Der Index der vorbotenen Bucher, Bonn, 1885, vol. ii, p. 396, confirms the above statement in the text. For a clear statement of Bradley's exquisite demonstration of the Copernican theory by reasonings upon the rapidity of light, etc., and Foucault's exhibition of the rotation of the earth by the pendulum experiment, see Hoefer, Histoire de l'Astronomie, pp. 492 et seq.   For more recent proofs of the Copernican theory, by the discoveries of Bunsen, Bischoff, Benzenberg, and others, see Jevons, Principles of Science.

[76] See Rev. William W. Roberts, The Pontifical Decrees against the Doctrine of the Earth's Movement, London, 1885, p. 94; and for the text of the papal bull, Speculatores domus Israel, pp. 132, 133, see also St. George Mivart's article in the Nineteenth Century for July, 1885.   For the authentic publication of the bull, see preface to the Index of 1664, where the bull appears, signed by the Pope.   The Rev. Mr. Roberts and Mr. St. George Mivart are Roman Catholics and both acknowledge that the papal sanction was fully given.

[77] For the original trial documents, copied carefully from the Vatican manuscripts, see the Roman Catholic authority, L'Epinois, especially p. 35, where the principal document is given in its original Latin; see also Gebler, Die Acten des galilei'schen Processes, for still more complete copies of the same documents. For minute information regarding these documents and their publication, see Favaro, Miscellanea Galileana Inedita, forming vol.   xxii, part iii, of the Memoirs of the Venetian Institute for 1887, and especially pp. 891 and following.

[78] The invention of the "contumacy" quibble seems due to Monsignor Marini, who appears also to have manipulated the original documents to prove it.   Even Whewell was evidently somewhat misled by him, but Whewell wrote before L'Epinois had shown all the documents, and under the supposition that Marini was an honest man.

[79] This argument also seems to have been foisted upon the world by the wily Monsignor Marini.

[80] See the Rev. A. M. Kirsch on Professor Huxley and Evolution, in The American Catholic Quarterly, October, 1877.   The article is, as a whole, remarkably fair-minded, and in the main, just, as to the Protestant attitude, and as to the causes underlying the whole action against Galileo.

[81] See the citation from the Vatican manuscript given in Gebler, p. 78.

[82] For references by Urban VIII to the condemnation as made by Pope Paul V see pp. 136, 144, and elsewhere in Martin, who much against his will is forced to allow this.   See also Roberts, Pontifical decrees against the Earth's Movement, and St. George Mivart's article, as above quoted; also Reusch, Index der verbotenen Bucher, Bonn, 1885, vol. ii, pp. 29 et seq.

[83] For Lecazre's answer to Gassendi, see Martin, pp. 146, 147. For the attempt to make the crimes of Galileo breach of etiquette, see Dublin Review, as above.   Whewell, vol. i, p. 283. Citation from Marini: "Galileo was punished for trifling with the authorities, to which he refused to submit, and was punished for obstinate contumacy, not heresy." The sufficient answer to all this is that the words of the inflexible sentence designating the condemned books are "libri omnes qui affirmant telluris motum." See Bertrand, p. 59.   As to the idea that "Galileo was punished for not his opinion, but for basing it on Scripture," the answer may be found in the Roman Index of 1704, in which are noted for condemnation "Libri omnes docentes mobilitatem terrae et immobilitatem solis." For the way in which, when it was found convenient in argument, Church apologists insisted that it WAS "the Supreme Chief of the Church by a pontifical decree, and not certain cardinals," who condemned Galileo and his doctrine, see Father Lecazre's letter to Gassendi, in Flammarion, Pluralite des Mondes, p. 427, and Urban VIII's own declarations as given by Martin.   For the way in which, when necessary, Church apologists asserted the very contrary of this, declaring that it was issued in a doctrinal degree of the Congregation of the Index, and NOT as the Holy Father's teaching," see Dublin Review, September, 1865.

[84] For the crushing answer by two eminent Roman Catholics to the sophistries cited - an answer which does infinitely more credit to the older Church that all the perverted ingenuity used in concealing the truth or breaking the force of it - see Roberts and St. George Mivart, as already cited.

[85] For the quotation from Newman, see his Sermons on the Theory of Religious Belief, sermon xiv, cited by Bishop Goodwin in Contemporary Review for January, 1892.   For the attempt to take the blame off the shoulders of both Pope and cardinals and place it upon the Almighty, see the article above cited, in the Dublin Review, September 1865, p. 419 and July, 1871, pp. 157 et seq. For a good summary of the various attempts, and for replies to them in a spirit of judicial fairness, see Th.   Martin, Vie de Galilee, though there is some special pleading to save the infallibility of the Pope and Church.   The bibliography at the close is very valuable.   For details of Mr. Gosse's theory, as developed in his Omphalos, see the chapter on Geology in this work.   As to a still later attempt, see Wegg-Prosser, Galileo and his Judges, London, 1889, the main thing in it being an attempt to establish, against the honest and honourable concessions of Catholics like Roberts and Mivart, sundry far-fetched and wire- drawn distinctions between dogmatic and disciplinary bulls - an attempt which will only deepen the distrust of straightforward reasoners.   The author's point of view is stated in the words, "I have maintained that the Church has a right to lay her restraining hand on the speculations of natural science" (p. 167).

[86] As a pendant to this ejaculation of Kepler may be cited the words of Linnaeus: "Deum ominpotentem a tergo transeuntem vidi et obstupui."

[87] For an exceedingly striking statement, by a Roman Catholic historian of genius, as to the POPULAR demand for persecution and the pressure of the lower strata in ecclesiastical organizations for cruel measures, see Balmes's Le Protestantisme compare au Catholicisme, etc., fourth edition, Paris, 1855, vol. ii. Archbishop Spaulding has something of the same sort in his Miscellanies.   L'Epinois, Galilee, p. 22 et seq., stretches this as far as possible to save the reputation of the Church in the Galileo matter.   As to the various branches of the Protestant Church in England and the United States, it is a matter of notoriety that the smug, well-to-do laymen, whether elders, deacons, or vestrymen, are, as a rule, far more prone to heresy- hunting than are their better educated pastors.   As to the cases of Messrs.   Winchell, Woodrow, Toy, and all the professors at Beyrout, with details, see the chapter in this series on The Fall of Man and Anthropology.   Among Protestant historians who have recently been allowed full and free examination of the treasures in the Vatican Library, and even those involving questions between Catholicism and Protestantism, are von Sybel, of Berlin, and Philip Schaff, of New York.   It should be added that the latter went with commendatory letters from eminent prelates in the Catholic Church in America and Europe.   For the closing citation, see Canon Farrar, History of Interpretation, p. 432.

[88] The present study, after its appearance in the Popular Science Monthly as a "new chapter in the Warfare of Science," was revised and enlarged to nearly its present form, and read before the American Historical Association, among whose papers it was published, in 1887, under the title of A History of the Doctrine of Comets.

[89] For Crishna, see Cox, Aryan Mythology, vol. ii, p. 133; the Vishnu Purana (Wilson's translation), book v, chap. iv.   As to lights at the birth, or rather at the conception, of Buddha, see Bunsen, Angel Messiah, pp. 22,23; Alabaster, Wheel of the Law (illustrations of Buddhism), p. 102; Edwin Arnold, Light of Asia; Bp.   Bigandet, Life of Gaudama, the Burmese Buddha, p. 30; Oldenberg, Buddha (English translation), part i, chap. ii.

[90] For Chinese legends regarding stars at the birth of Yu and Lao-tse, see Thornton, History of China, vol. i, p. 137; also Pingre, Cometographie, p. 245.   Regarding stars at the birth of Moses and Abraham, see Calmet, Fragments, part viii; Baring- Gould, Legends of Old Testament Characters, chap. xxiv; Farrar, Life of Christ, chap. iii.   As to the Magi, see Higgins, Anacalypsis; Hooykaas, Ort, and Kuenen, Bible for Learners, vol. iii.   For Greek and Roman traditions, see Bell, Pantheon, S. v. Aesculapius and Atreus; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. i, pp. 151, 590; Farrar, Life of Christ (American edition), p. 52; Cox, Tales of Ancient Greece, pp. 41, 61, 62; Higgins, Anacalypsis, vol.   i, p. 322; also Suetonius, Caes., Julius, p.88, Claud., p. 463; Seneca, Nat.   Quaest, vol. 1, p. 1; Virgil, Ecl., vol. ix, p. 47; as well as Ovid, Pliny, and others.

[91] For Hindu theories, see Alabaster, Wheel of the Law, 11. For Greek and Roman legends, See Higgins, Anacalypsis, vol. i, pp.   616, 617.; also Suetonius, Caes., Julius, p. 88, Claud., p. 46; Seneca, Quaest.   Nat., vol. i, p. 1, vol. vii, p. 17; Pliny, Hist.   Nat., vol. ii, p. 25; Tacitus, Ann., vol. xiv, p. 22; Josephus, Antiq., vol. xiv, p. 12; and the authorities above cited.   For the tradition of the Jews regarding the darkness of three days, see citation in Renan, Histoire du Peuple Israel, vol.   iv, chap. iv.   For Tertullian's belief regarding the significance of an eclipse, see the Ad Scapulum, chap. iii, in Migne, Patrolog.   Lat., vol. i, p. 701.   For the claim regarding Charles I, see a sermon preached before Charles II, cited by Lecky, England in the Eighteenth Century, vol. i, p. 65.   Mather thought, too, that it might have something to do with the death of sundry civil functionaries of the colonies; see his Discourse concerning comets, 1682.   For Archbishop Sandy's belief, see his eighteenth sermon (in Parker Soc.   Publications).   The story of Abraham Davenport has been made familiar by the poem of Whittier.

[92] For terror caused in Rome by comets, see Pingre, Cometographie, pp. 165, 166.   For the Chaldeans, see Wolf, Geschichte der Astronomie, p. 10 et seq., and p. 181 et seq.; also Pingre, chap. ii.   For the Pythagorean notions, see citations from Plutarch in Costard, History of Astronomy, p. 283. For Seneca's prediction, see Guillemin, World of Comets (translated by Glaisher), pp. 4, 5; also Watson, On Comets, p. 126.   For this feeling in antiquity generally, see the preliminary chapters of the two works last cited.

[93] For Origen, se his De Princip., vol. i, p. 7; also Maury, Leg.   pieuses, p. 203, note.   For Bede and others, see De Nat., vol.   xxiv; Joh.   Dam., De Fid.   Or.,vol.   ii, p. 7; Maury, La Magie et l'Astronomie, pp. 181, 182.   For Albertus Magnus, see his Opera, vol. i, tr.   iii, chaps.   x, xi.   Among the texts of Scripture on which this belief rested was especially Joel ii, 30, 31.

[94] For Caesar, see Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, act ii, sc.   2. For Galeazzo, see Guillemin, World of Comets, p. 19.   For Charles V, see Prof. Wolf's essay in the Monatschrift des wissenschaftlichen Vereins, Zurich, 1857, p. 228.

[95] For evidences of this widespread terror, see chronicles of Raoul Glaber, Guillaume de Nangis, William of Malmesbury, Florence of Worcester, Ordericus Vitalis, et al., passim, and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (in the Rolls Series).   For very thrilling pictures of this horror in England, see Freeman, Norman Conquest, vol.   iii, pp. 640-644, and William Rufus, vol. ii, p. 118.   For the Bayeau tapestry, see Bruce, Bayeux Tapestry Elucidated, plate vii and p. 86; also Guillemin, World of Comets, p. 24.   There is a large photographic copy, in the South Kensington Museum at London, of the original, wrought, as is generally believed, by the wife of William the Conqueror and her ladies, and is still preserved in the town museum at Bayeux.

[96] The usual statement is, that Calixtus excommunicated the comet by a bull, and this is accepted by Arago, Grant, Hoefer, Guillemin, Watson, and many historians of astronomy.   Hence the parallel is made on a noted occasion by President Lincoln.   No such bull, however, is to be found in the published Bulleria, and that establishing the Angelus (as given by Raynaldus in the Annales Eccl.) contains no mention of the comet.   But the authority of Platina (in his Vitae Pontificum, Venice, 1479, sub Calistus III) who was not only in Rome at the time, but when he wrote his history, archivist of the Vatican, is final as to the Pope's attitude.   Platina's authority was never questioned until modern science changed the ideas of the world.   The recent attempt of Pastor (in his Geschichte der Papste) to pooh-pooh down the whole matter is too evident an evasion to carry weight with those who know how even the most careful histories have to be modified to suit the views of the censorship at Rome.

[97] As to encyclopedic summaries, see Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Naturale, and the various editions of Reisch's Margarita Philosophica.   For Charlemagne's time, see Champion, La Fin du Monde, p. 156; Leopardi, Errori Popolari, p. 165.   As to Albert the Great's question, see Heller, Geschichte der Physik, vol. i, p.   188.   As to scepticism in the sixteenth century, see Champion, La Fin du Monde, pp. 155, 156; and for Scaliger, Dudith's book, cited below.

[98] For Bodin, see Theatr., lib. ii, cited by Pingre, vol. i, p. 45; also a vague citation in Baudrillart, Bodin et son Temps, p. 360.   For Polydore Virgil, see English History, p. 97 (in Camden Society Publications).   For Cranmer, see Remains, vol. ii, p. 535 (in Parker Society Publications).   For Latimer, see Sermons, second Sunday in Advent, 1552.

[99] For Liturgical Services of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, see Parker Society Publications, pp. 569, 570.   For Strype, see his Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. iii, part i, p. 472; also see his Annals of the reformation, vol. ii, part ii, p. 151; and his Life of Sir Thomas Smith, pp. 161, 162.   For Spottiswoode, see History of the Church of Scotland (Edinburgh reprint, 1851), vol. i, pp. 185, 186.   For Bramhall, see his Works, Oxford, 1844, vol. iv, pp.   60, 307, etc.   For Jeremy Taylor, see his Sermons on the Life of Christ.   For John Howe, see his Works, London, 1862, vol. iv, pp.   140, 141.

[100] For John Knox, see his Histoire of the Reformation of Religion within the Realm of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1732), lib. iv; also Chambers, Domestic Annals of Scotland, vol. ii, pp 410-412. For Burton, see his Anatomy of Melancholy, part ii, sect 2.   For Browne, see the Vulgar and Common Errors, book vi, chap. xiv.

[101] For Thoresby, see his Diary, (London, 1830).   Halley's great service is described further on in this chapter.   For Nikon's speech, see Dean Stanley's History of the Eastern Church, p.   485.   For very striking examples of this mediaeval terror in Germany, see Von Raumer, Geschichte der Hohenstaufen, vol. vi, p. 538.   For the Reformation period, see Wolf, Gesch.   D. Astronomie; also Praetorius, Ueber D. Cometstern (Erfurt, 1589), in which the above sentences of Luther are printed on the title page as epigraphs.   For "Huren-Sternen," see the sermon of Celichius, described later.

[102] For Melanchthon, see Wolf, ubi supra.   For Zwingli, see Wolf, p. 235.   For Arietus, see Madler, Geschichte der Himmelskunde, vol. ii.   For Kepler's superstition, see Wolf, p. 281.   For Voight, see Himmels-Manaten Reichstage, Hamburg, 1676. For both Fromundus and Voigt, see also Madler, vol. ii, p. 399, and Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, vol. i, p.28.

[103] For the effect of the anti-Pythagorean oath, see Prowe, Copernicus; also Madler and Wolf.   For Heerbrand, see his Von dem erschrockenlichen Wunderzeichen, Tubingen, 1577.   For Schickart, see his Predigt vom Wunderzeichen, Stuttgart, 1621.   For Deiterich, see his sermon, described more fully below.

[104] For Maestlin, see his Observatio et Demonstration Cometae, Tubingen, 1578.   For Buttner, see his Cometen Stundbuchlein, Leipsic, 1605.

[105] For Vossius, see the De Idololatria (in his Opera, vol. v, pp.   283-285).   For Torreblanc, see his De Magia, Seville, 1618, and often reprinted.   For Fromundus, see his Meteorologica.

[106] Barbata et caudata.

[107] See De Angelis, Lectiones Meteorologicae, Rome, 1669.

[108] See Reinzer, Meteorologica Philosophico-Politica (edition of Augsburg, 1712), pp. 101-103.

[109] For Celichius, or Celich, see his own treatise, as above.

[110] For Deiterich, see Ulmische Cometen-Predigt, von dem Cometen, so nechst abgewischen 1618 Jahrs im Wintermonat erstenmahls in Schwaben sehen lassen, . . . gehalten zu Ulm . . . durch Conrad Dieterich, Ulm, 1620.   For a life of the author, see article Dieterich in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie.   See also Wolf.

[111] For Erni, see Wolf, Gesch.   D. Astronomie, p. 239.   For Grassner and Gross, see their Christenliches Bedenken . . . von dem erschrockenlichen Cometen, etc., Zurich, 1664.   For Spleiss, see Beilauftiger Bericht von dem jetzigen Cometsternen, etc., schaffhausen, 1664.

[112] For Danforth, see his Astronomical Descritption of the Late Comet or Blazing Star, Together with a Brief Theological Application Thereof, 1664.   For Morton, see his Memorial, pp. 251, 252,; also 309, 310.   Texts cited by Mather were Rev., viii, 10, and xi, 14.

[113] Increase Mather's Heaven's Alarm to the World was first printed at Boston in 1681, but was reprinted in 1682, and was appended, with the sermon on The Latter Sign, to the Discourse on Comets (Boston, 1683).

[114] For Cotton Mather, see the Manuductio, pp. 54, 55.

Curiously enough, for this scientific scepticism in Cotton Mather there was a cause identical with that which had developed superstition in the mind of his father.   The same provincial tendency to receive implicitly any new European fashion in thinking or speech wrought upon both, plunging one into superstition and drawing the other out of it.

[115] For Scaliger, see p. 20 of Dudith's book, cited below.

[116] For Blaise de Vigenere, see his Traite des Cometes, Paris, 1578.   For Dudith, see his De Cometarum Dignificatione, Basle, 1579, to which the letter of Erastus is appended.   Bekker's views may be found in his Onderzoek van de Betekening der Cometen, Leeuwarden, 1683.   For Lubienitsky's, see his Theatrum Cometicum, Amsterdam, 1667, in part ii: Historia Cometarum, preface "to the reader." For Petit, see his Dissertation sur la Nature des Cometes, Paris, 1665 (German translation, Dresden and Zittau, 1681).

[117] Regarding Bayle, see Madler, Himmelskunde, vol. i, p. 327. For special points of interest in Bayle's arguments, see his Pensees Diverses sur les Cometes, Amsterdam, 1749, pp. 79, 102, 134, 206.   For the response to Jurieu, see the continuation des Pensees, Rotterdam, 1705; also Champion, p. 164, Lecky, ubi supra, and Guillemin, pp. 29, 30.

[118] See Fontenelle, cited by Champion, p. 167.

[119] See Madler, Himmelskunde, vol. i, pp. 181, 197; also Wolf, Gesch.   D. Astronomie, and Janssen, Gesch.   D. deutschen Volkes, vol.   v, p. 350.   Heerbrand's sermon, cited above, is a good specimen of the theologic attitude.   See Pingre, vol. ii, p. 81.

[120] For these features in cometary theory, see Pingre, vol. i, p.   89; also Humboldt, Cosmos (English translation, London, 1868), vol.   iii, p. 169.

[121] See Pingre, vol. i, p. 53; Grant, History of Physical Astronomy, p. 305, etc., etc.   For a curious partial anticipation by Hooke, in 1664, of the great truth announced by Halley in 1682, see Pepy's Diary for March 1, 1664.   For excellent summaries of the whole work of Halley and Clairaut and their forerunners and associates, see Pingre, Madler, Wolf, Arago, et al.

[122] In accordance with Halley's prophecy, the comet of 1682 has returned in 1759 and 1835.   See Madler, Guillemin, Watson, Grant, Delambre, Proctor, article Astronomy in Encycl.   Brit., and especially for details, Wolf, pp. 407-412 and 701-722.   For clear statement regarding Doerfel, see Wolf, p. 411.

[123] For Forster, see his Illustrations of the Atmospherical Origin of Epidemic Diseases, Chelmsford, 1829, cited by Arago; also in Quarterly Review for April, 1835.   For the writings of several on both sides, and especially those who sought to save, as far as possible, the sacred theory of comets, see Madler, vol. ii, p. 384 et seq., and Wolf, p. 186.

[124] For Heyn, see his Versuch einer Betrachtung uber die cometun, die Sundfluth und das Vorspeil des jungsten Gerichts, Leipsic, 1742.   A Latin version, of the same year, bears the title, Specimen Cometologiae Sacre.   For the theory that the earth encountered the tail of a comet, see Guillemin and Watson. For survival of the old idea in America, see a Sermon of Israel Loring, of Sudbury, published in 1722.   For Prof. J. Winthrop, see his Comets.   For Wesley, see his Natural Philosophy, London, 1784, vol. iii, p. 303.

[125] For a compact and admirable statement as to the dawn of geological conceptions in Greece and Rome, see Mr. Lester Ward's essay on paleobotany in the Fifth Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey, for 1883-'84.   As to the reasons why Greek philosophers did comparatively so little for geology, see D'Archiac, Geologie, p. 18.   For the contempt felt by Lactantius and St. Augustine toward astronomical science, see foregoing chapters on Astronomy and Geography.

[126] For citations and authorities on these points, see the chapter on Meteorology.

[127] See Augustine, De Genesi, ii, 13, 15, et seq.; ix, 12 et seq.   For the reference to St. Jerome, see Shields, Final Philosophy, p. 119; also Leyell, Introduction to Geology, vol. i, chap.   ii.

[128] For Isidore, see the Etymologiae, xi, 4, xiii, 22.   For Bede, see the Hexaemeron, i, ii, in Migne, tome xci.

[129] Vis lapidifica.

[130] Virtus formativa.

[131] See authorities given in Mr. Ward's assay, as above.

[132] For Avicenna, see Lyell and D'Archiac.

[133] See his Commentary on Genesis, cited by Zoeckler, Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft, vol. i, p. 690.

[134] For Pfeiffer, see Zoeckler, vol. i, pp. 688, 689.

[135] Succus lapidificus.

[136] Aura seminalis.

[137] See Morley, Life of Palissy the Potter, vol. ii, p. 315 et seq.

[138] See citation and remark in Lyell's Principles of Geology, chap.   iii, p. 57; also Huxley, Essays on Controverted Questions, p.   62.

[139] See Beringer's Lithographiae, etc., p. 91.

[140] See Carus, Geschichte der Zoologie, Munich, 1872, p. 467, note, and Reusch, Bibel und Natur, p. 197.   A list of authorities upon this episode, with the text of one of the epigrams circulated at poor Beringer's expense, is given by Dr. Reuss in the Serapeum for 1852, p. 203.   The book itself (the original impression) is in the White Library at Cornell University.   For Beringer himself, see especially the encyclopedia of Ersch and Gruber, and the Allgemeine deutsche Biographie.

[141] For a comparison between the conduct of Italian and English ecclesiastics as regards geology, see Lyell, Principles of Geology, tenth English edition, vol. i, p. 33.   For a philosophical statement of reasons why the struggle was more bitter and the attempt at deceptive compromises more absurd in England than elsewhere, see Maury, L'Ancienne Academie des Sciences, second edition, p. 152.   For very frank confessions of the reasons why the Catholic Church has become more careful in her dealings with science, see Roberts, The Pontifical Decrees against the Earth's Movement, London, 1885, especially pp. 94 and 132, 133, and St. George Mivart's article in the Nineteenth Century for July 1885.   The first of these gentlemen, it must not be forgotten, is a Roman Catholic clergyman and the second an eminent layman of the same Church, and both admit that it was the Pope, speaking ex cathedra, who erred in the Galileo case; but their explanation is that God allowed the Pope and Church to fall into this grievous error, which has cost so dear, in order to show once and for all that the Church has no right to decide questions in Science.

[142] See II Peter iii, 6.

[143] For his statement that "the giving up of witchcraft is in effect the giving up of the Bible," see Welsey's Journal, 1766- '68.

[144] See Wesley's sermon on God's Approbation of His Works, parts xi and xii.

[145] See Westminster Review, October, 1870, article on John Wesley's Cosmogony, with citations from Wesley's Sermons, Watson's Institutes of Theology, Adam Clarke's Commentary on the Holy Scriptures, etc.

[146] See citation in Mr. Ward's article, as above, p. 390.

[147] For these citations, see Lyell, Principles of Geology, introduction.

[148] See Pye Smith, D. D., Geology and Scripture, pp. 156, 157, 168, 169.

[149] Wiseman, Twelve Lectures on the Connection between Science and Revealed Religion, first American edition, New York, 1837. As to the comparative severity of the struggle regarding astronomy, geology, etc., in the Catholic and Protestant countries, see Lecky's England in the Eighteenth Century, chap. ix, p. 525.

[150] See Silliman's Journal, vol. xxx, p. 114.

[151] Prof. Goldwin Smith informs me that the papers of Sir Robert Peel, yet unpublished, contain very curious specimens of the epistles of Dean Cockburn.   See also Personal Recollections of Mary Somerville, Boston, 1874, pp. 139 and 375.   Compare with any statement of his religious views that Dean Cockburn was able to make, the following from Mrs. Somerville: "Nothing has afforded me so convincing a proof of the Deity as these purely mental conceptions of numerical and methematical science which have been, by slow degrees, vouchesafed to man - and are still granted in these latter times by the differential calculus, now supeseded by the higher algebra - all of which must have existed in that sublimely omniscient mind from eternity.   See also The Life and Letters of Adam Sedgwick, Cambridge, 1890, vol. ii, pp. 76 and following.

[152] For Tertullian, see his De Pallio, C. ii (Migne, Patr. Lat., vol. ii, p. 1033).   For Augustine's view, see Cuvier, Recherches sur les Ossements fossiles, fourth edition, vol. ii, p.   143.

[153] For Luther's opinion, see his Commentary on Genesis.

[154] For a very full statement of the honourable record of Italy in this respect, and for the enlightened views of some Italian churchmen, see Stoppani, Il Dogma a le Scienze Positive, Milan, 1886, pp. 203 et seq.

[155] For the steady adherance to this sacred theory, see Audiat, Vie de Palissy, p. 412, and Cantu, Histoire Universelle, vol. xv, p.   492.   For Calmet, see his Dissertation sur les Geants, cited in Berger de Xivery, Traditions Teratologiques, p. 191.

[156] See Cuvier, Recherches sur les Ossements fossiles, fourth edition, vol. ii, p. 56; also Geoffrey St.-Hilaire, cited by Berger de Xivery, Traditions Teratologiques, p. 190.

[157] Homo diluvii testis.

[158] See Zoeckler, vol. ii, p. 172; also Scheuchzer, Physica Sacra, Augustae Vindel et Ulmae, 1732.   For the ancient belief regarding giants, see Leopoldi, Saggio.   For accounts of the views of Mazaurier and Scheuchzer, see Cuvier; also Buchner, Man in Past, Present, and Future, English translation, pp. 235, 236. For Increase Mather's views, see Philosophical Transactions, vol. xxiv, p. 85.   As to similar fossils sent from New York to the Royal Society as remains of giants, see Weld, History of the Royal Society, vol. i, p. 421.   For Father Torrubia and his Gigantologia Espanola, see D'Archiac, Introduction a l'Etude de la Paleontologie Stratigraphique, Paris, 1864, p. 201.   For admirable summaries, see Lyell, Principles of Geology, London, 1867; D'Archiac, Geologie et Paleontologie, Paris, 1866; Pictet, Traite de Paleontologie, Paris, 1853; Vezian, Prodrome de la Geologie, Paris, 1863; Haeckel, History of Creation, English translation, New York, 1876, chap. iii; and for recent progress, Prof.   O.   S. Marsh's Address on the History and Methods of Paleontology.

[159] See Voltaire, Dissertation sur les Changements arrives dans notre Globe; also Voltaire, Les Singularities de la Nature, chap. xii; also Jevons, Principles of Science, vol. ii, p. 328.

[160] For a candid summary of the proofs from geology, astronomy, and zoology, that the Noachian Deluge was not universally or widely extended, see McClintock and Strong, Cyclopedia of Biblical Theology and Ecclesiastical Literature, article Deluge. For general history, see Lyell, D'Archiac, and Vezian.   For special cases showing the bitterness of the conflict, see the Rev.   Mr. Davis's Life of Rev. Dr. Pye Smith, passim.   For a late account, see Prof. Huxley on The Lights of the Church and the Light of Science, in the Nineteenth Century for July, 1890.

[161] Genie du Christianisme, chap.v, pp. 1-14, cited by Reusch, vol.   i, p. 250.

[162] For admirable sketches of Brongniart and other paleobotanists, see Ward, as above.

[163] See the Works of Granville Penn, vol. ii, p. 273.

[164] For Buckland and the various forms of attack upon him, see Gordon, Life of Buckland, especially pp. 10, 26, 136.   For the attack on Lyell and his book, see Huxley, The Lights of the Church and the Light of Science.

[165] For Fairholme, see his Mosaic Deluge, London, 1837, p. 358. For a very just characterization of various schemes of "reconciliation," see Shields, The Final Philosophy, p. 340.

[166] See Official Report of the National Conference of Unitarian and other Christian Churches held at Saratoga, 1882, p. 97.

[167] This was about 1856; see Tylor, Early History of Mankind, p.   329.

[168] For Dr. Turner, see his Companion to the Book of Genesis, London and New York, 1841, pp. 216-219.   For McClintock and Strong, see their Cyclopaedia of Biblical Knowledge, etc., article Deluge.   For similar surrenders of the Deluge in various other religious encyclopedias and commentaries, see Huxley, Essays on controverted questions, chap. xiii.

[169] See Reusch, Bibel und Natur, chap. xxi.

[170] See Whiteside, Italy in the Nineteenth Century, vol. iii, chap.   xiv.

[171] See Zoeckler, vol. ii, p. 472.

[172] See Zoeckler, vol. ii, p. 478, and Bosizio, Geologie und die Sundfluth, Mayence, 1877, preface, p. xiv.

[173] See Zoeckler, vol. ii, p. 472, 571, and elsewhere; also citations in Reusch and Shields.

[174] For George Smith, see his Chaldean Account of Genesis, New York, 1876, especially pp. 36, 263, 286; also his special work on the subject.   See also Lenormant, Les Origins de l'Histoire, Paris, 1880, chap. viii.   For Schrader, see his The Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament, Whitehouse's translation, London, 1885, vol. i, pp. 47-49 and 58-60, and elsewhere.

[175] For the foregoing statements regarding Germany the writer relies on his personal observation as a student at the University of Berlin in 1856, as a traveller at various periods afterward, and as Minister of the United States in 1879, 1880, and 1881.

[176] See Zoeckler, vol. ii, p. 475.

[177] See Prof. Marsh's address as President of the Society for the Advancement of Science, in 1879; and for a development of the matter, see the chapters on The Antiquity of Man and Egyptology and the Fall of Man and Anthropology, in this work.

[177] See Gosse, Omphalos, London, 1857, p. 5, and passim; and for a passage giving the keynote of the whole, with a most farcical note on coprolites, see pp. 353, 354.

[178] See Shields's Final Philosophy, pp. 340 et seq., and Reusch's Nature and the Bible (English translation, 1886), vol. i, pp. 318-320.

[179] See Reusch, vol. i, p. 264.

[180] See Mr. Gladstone's Dawn of Creation and Worship, a reply to Dr. Reville, in the Nineteenth Century for November, 1885.

[181] For the Huxley-Gladstone controversy, see The Nineteenth Century for 1885-'86.   For Canon Driver, see his article, The Cosmogony of Genesis, in The Expositor for January, 1886.

[182] For a table summing up the periods, from Adam to the building of the Temple, explicitly given in the Scriptures, see the admirable paper on The Pope and the Bible, in The Contemporary Review for April, 1893.   For the date of man's creation as given by leading chronologists in various branches of the Church, see L'Art de Verifier les Dates, Paris, 1819, vol. i, pp.   27 et seq.   In this edition there are sundry typographical errors; compare with Wallace, True Age of the World, London, 1844.   As to preference for the longer computation by the fathers of the Church, see Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, vol. ii, p. 291. For the sacred significance of the six days of creation in ascertaining the antiquity of man, see especially Eichen, Geschichte der mittelalterlichen Weltanschauung; also Wallace, True Age of the World, pp. 2,3.   For the views of St. Augustine, see Topinard, Anthropologie, citing the De Civ. Dei., lib. xvi, c.   viii, C. x.   For the views of Philastrius, see the De Hoeresibus, C. 102, 112, et passim, in Migne, tome xii.   For Eusebius's simple credulity, see the tables in Palmer's Egyptian Chronicles, vol. ii, pp. 828, 829.   For Bede, see Usher's Chronologia Sacra, cited in Wallace, True Age of the World, p. 35.   For Isidore of Seville, see the Etymologia, lib. v, C. 39; also lib. iii, in Migne, tome lxxxii.

[183] For Lightfoot, see his Prolegomena relating to the age of the world at the birth of Christ; see also in the edition of his works, London, 1822, vol. 4, pp. 64, 112.   For Scaliger, see in the De Emendatione Temporum, 1583; also Mark Pattison, Essays, Oxford, 1889, vol. i, pp. 162 et seq.   For Raleigh's misgivings, see his History of the World, London, 1614, p. 227, book ii of part i, section 7 of chapter i; also Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, vol.   ii, p. 293.   For Usher, see his Annales Vet.   et Nov.   Test., London, 1650.   For Pearson, see his Exposition of the Creed, sixth edition, London, 1692, pp. 59 et seq.   For Marsham, see his Chronicus Canon Aegypticus, Ebraicus, Graecus, et Disquisitiones, London, 1672.   For La Peyrere, see especially Quatrefarges, in Revue de Deux Mondes for 1861; also other chapters in this work. For Jackson, Hales, and others, see Wallace's True Age of the World.   For Wilkinson, see various editions of his work on Egypt. For Vignolles, see Leblois, vol. iii, p. 617.   As to the declaration in favor of the recent origin of man, sanctioned by Popes Gregory XIII and Urban VIII, see Strachius, cited in Wallace, p. 97.   For the general agreement of Church authorities, as stated, see L'Art de Verifier les Dates, as above.   As to difficulties of scriptural chronology, see Ewald, History of Israel, English translation, London, 1883, pp. 204 et seq.

[184] As to Manetho, see, for a very full account of his relations to other chronologists, Palmer, Egyptian Chronicles, vol.   i, chap. ii.   For a more recent and readable account, see Brugsch, Egypt under the Pharaohs, English edition, London, 1879, chap.   iv.   For lists of kings at Abydos and elsewhere, also the lists of architects, see Brugsch, Palmer, Mariette, and others; also illustrations in Lepsius.   For proofs that the dynasties given were consecutive and not contemporeaneous, as was once so fondly argued by those who tried to save Archbishop Usher's chronology, see Mariette; also Sayce's Herodotus, appendix, p. 316.   For the various race types given on early monuments, see the coloured engravings in Lepsius, Denkmaler; also Prisse d'Avennes, and the frontpiece in the English edition of Brugsch; see also statement regarding the same subject in Tylor, Anthropology, chap. i.   For the fulness of development of Egyptian civilization in the earliest dynasties, see Rawlinson's Egypt, London, 1881, chap. xiii; also Brugsch and other works cited.   For the perfection of Egyptian engineering, I rely not merely upon my own observation, but on what is far more important, the testimony of my friend the Hon.   J. G. Batterson, probably the largest and most experienced worker in granite in the United States, who acknowledges, from personal observation, that the early Egyptian work is, in boldness and perfection, far beyond anything known since, and a source of perpetual wonder to him.   As to the perfection of Egyptian architecture, see very striking statements in Fergusson, History of Architecture, book i, chap. i.   As to the pyramids, showing a very high grade of culture already reached under the earliest dynasties, see Lubke, Gesch.   der Arch., book i.   For Sayce's views, see his Herodotus, appendix, p. 348.   As to sculpture, see for representations photographs published by the Boulak Museum, and such works as the Description de l'Egypte, Lepsius's Denkmaler, and Prisse d'Avennes; see also a most small work, easy of access, Maspero, Archeology, translated by Miss A. B.   Edwards, New York and London, 1887, chaps.   i and ii.   See especially in Prisse, vol. ii, the statue of Chafre the Scribe, and the group of "Tea" and his wife.   As to the artistic value of the Sphinx, see Maspero, as above, pp. 202, 203.   See also similar ideas in Lubke's History of Sculpture, vol. i, p. 24.   As to astronomical knowledge evidenced by the Great Pyramid, see Tylor, as above, p. 21; also Lockyer, On Some Points in the Early History of Astronomy, in Nature for 1891, and especially in the issues of June 4th and July 2d; also his Dawn of Astronomy, passim.   For a recent and conservative statement as to the date of Mena, see Flinders Petrie, History of Egypt, London, 1894, chap. ii.   For delineations of vases, etc., showing Grecian proportion and beauty of form under the fourth and fifth dynasties, see Prisse, vol.   ii, Art Industriel.   As to the philological question, and the development of language in Egypt, with the hieroglyphic sytem of writing, see Rawlinson's Egypt, London, 1881, chap. xii; also Lenormanr; also Max Duncker, Geschichte des Alterthums, Abbott's translation, 1877.   As to the medical papyrus of Berlin, see Brugsch, vol. i, p. 58, but especially the Papyrus Ebers.   As to the corruption of later copies of Manetho and fidelity of originals as attested by the monuments, see Brugsch, chap. iv. On the accuracy of the present Egyptian chronology as regards long periods, see ibid, vol. i, p. 32.   As to the pottery found deep in the Nile and the value of Horner's discovery, see Peschel, Races of Man, New York, 1876, pp. 42-44.   For succinct statement, see also Laing, Problems of the Future, p. 94.   For confirmatory proofs from Assyriology, see Sayce, Lectures on the Religion of the Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures for 1887), London, 1887, introductory chapter, and especially pp. 21-25.   See also Laing, Human Origins, chap. ii, for an excellent summary.   For an account of flint implements recently found in gravel terraces fifteen hundred feet above the present level of the Nile, and showing evidences of an age vastly greater even than those dug out of the gravel at Thebes, see article by Flinders Petrie in London Times of April 18th, 1895.

[185] For the general history of early views regarding stone implements, see the first chapters in Cartailhac, La France Prehistorique; also Jolie, L'Homme avant les Metaux; also Lyell, Lubbock, and Evans.   For lightning-stones in China and elsewhere, see citation from a Chinese encyclopedia of 1662, in Tylor, Early History of Mankind, p. 209.   On the universality of this belief, on the surviving use of stone implements even into civilized times, and on their manufacture to-day, see ibid., chapter viii. For the treatment of Boue's discovery, see especially Morillet, Le Prehistorique, Paris, 1885, p. 11.   For the suppression of the passage in Montesquieu's Persian Letters, see Letter 113, cited in Schlosser's History of the Eighteenth Century (English translation), vol. i, p. 135.

[186] For the explorations in Belgium, see Dupont, Le Temps Prehistorique en Belgique.   For the discoveries by McEnery and Godwin Austin, see Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, London, 1869, chap.   x; also Cartailhac, Joly, and others above cited.   For Boucher de Perthes, see his Antiquites Celtiques et Antediluviennes, Paris, 1847-'64, vol. iii, pp. 526 et seq.   For sundry extravagances of Boucher de Perthes, see Reinach, Description raisonne du Musee de St.-Germain-en-Laye, Paris, 1889, vol. i, pp. 16 et seq.   For the mixture of sound and absurd results in Boucher's work, see Cartailhac as above, p. 19. Boucher had published in 1838 a work entitled De la Creation, but it seems to have dropped dead from the press.   For the attempts of Scheuchzer to reconcile geology and Genesis by means of the Homo diluvii testis, and similar "diluvian fossils," see the chapter on Geology in this series.   The original specimens of these prehistoric engravings upon bone and stone may best be seen at the Archaeological Museum of St.-Germain and the British Museum.   For engravings of some of the most recent, see especially Dawkin's Early Man in Britain, chap. vii, and the Description du Musee de St.-Germain.   As to the Kessler etchings and their antiquity, see D. G. Brinton, in Science, August 12, 1892.   For comparison of this prehistoric work with that produced to-day by the Eskimos and others, see Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, chapters x and xiv.   For very striking exhibitions of this same artistic gift in a higher field to-day by descendants of the barbarian tribes of northern America, see the very remarkable illustrations in Rink, Danish Greenland, London, 1877, especially those in chap. xiv.

[187] For the general subject of investigations in British prehistoric remains, see especially Boyd Dawkins, Early Man in Britain and his Place in the Tertiary Period, London, 1880.   For Boucher de Perthes's account of his discovery of the human jaw at Moulin Quignon, see his Antiquites Celtiques et Antediluviennes, vol.   iii, p. 542 et seq., Appendix.   For an excellent account of special investigations in the high terraces above the Thames, see J.   Allen Brown, F. G. S., Palaeolithic Man in Northwest Middlesex, London, 1887.   For discoveries in America, and the citations regarding them, see Wright, the Ice Age in North America, New York, 1889, chap. xxi.   Very remarkable examples of these specimens from the drift at Trenton may be seen in Prof. Abbott's collections at the University of Pennsylvania.   For an admirable statement, see Prof. Henry W. Haynes, in Wright, as above.   For proofs of the vast antiquity of man upon the Pacific coast, cited in the text, see Skertchley, F. G. S., in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute for 1887, p. 336; see also Wallace, Darwinism, London, 1890, chap. xv; and for a striking summary of the evidence that man lived before the last submergence of Britain, see Brown, Palaeolithic Man in Northwest Middlesex, as above cited.   For proofs that man existed in a period when the streams were flowing hundreds of feet above their present level, see ibid., p. 33.   As to the evidence of the action of the sea and of glacial action in the Welsh bone caves after the remains of extinct animals and weapons of human workmanship had been deposited, see ibid., p. 198.   For a good statement of the slowness of the submergance and emergence of Great Britain, with an illustration from the rising of the shore of Finland, see ibid., pp. 47, 48.   As to the flint implements of Palaeolithic man in the high terraced gravels throughout the Thames Valley, associated with bones of the mammoth, woolly rhinoceros, etc., see Brown, p. 31.   For still more conclusive proofs that man inhabited North Wales before the last submergence of the greater part of the British Islands to a depth of twelve hundred to fourteen hundred feet, see ibid., pp. 199, 200.   For maps showing the connection of the British river system with that of the Continent, see Boyd Dawkins, Early Man in Britain, London, 1880, pp. 18, 41, 73; also Lyell, Antiquity of Man, chap. xiv. As to the long continuance of the early Stone period, see James Geikie, The Great Ice Age, New York, 1888, p. 402.   As to the impossibility of the animals of the arctic and torrid regions living together or visiting the same place at different times in the same year, see Geikie, as above, pp. 421 et seq.; and for a conclusive argument that the animals of the period assigned lived in England not since, but before, the Glacial period, or in the intergalcial period, see ibid., p. 459.   For a very candid statement by perhaps the foremost leader of the theological rear- guard, admitting the insuperable difficulties presented by the Old Testament chronology as regards the Creation and the Deluge, see the Duke of Argyll's Primeval Man, pp. 90-100, and especially pp.   93, 124.   For a succinct statement on the general subject, see Laing, Problems of the Future, London, 1889, chapters v and vi.   For discoveries of prehistoric implements in India, see notes by Bruce Foote, F. G. S., in the British Journal of the Anthropological Institute for 1886 and 1887.   For similar discoveries in South Africa, see Gooch, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. xi, pp.   124 et seq.   For proofs of the existance of Palaeolithic man in Egypt, see Mook, Haynes, Pitt-Rivers, Flinders-Petrie, and others, cited at length in the next chapter.   For the corroborative and concurrent testimony of ethnology, philology, and history to the vast antiquity of man, see Tylor, Anthropology, chap. i.

[188] As to the evidence of man in the Tertiary period, see works already cited, especially Quatrefages, Cartailhac, and Mortillet. For an admirable summary, see Laing, Human Origins, chap. viii. See also, for a summing up of the evidence in favour of man in the Tertiary period, Quatrefages, History Generale des Races Humaines, in the Bibliotheque Ethnologique, Paris, 1887, chap. iv.   As to the earlier view, see Vogt, Lectures on Man, London, 1864, lecture xi.   For a thorough and convincing refutation of Sir J. W. Dawson's attempt to make the old and new Stone periods coincide, see H. W. Haynes, in chap. vi of the History of America, edited by Justin Winsor.   For development of various important points in the relation of anthropology to the human occupancy of our planet, see Topinard, Anthropology, London, 1890, chap. ix.

[189] For the passage in Hesiod, as given, see the Works and Days, lines 109-120, in Banks's translation.   As to Horace, see the Satires, i, 3, 99.   As to the relation of the poetic account of the Fall in Genesis to Chaldean myths, see Smith, Chaldean Account of Genesis, pp. 13, 17.   For a very instructive separation of the Jehovistic and Elohistic parts of Genesis, with the account of the "Fall" as given in the former, see Lenormant, La Genese, Paris, 1883, pp. 166-168; also Bacon, Genesis of Genesis. Of the lines of Lucretius -

"Arma antiqua, manus, ungues, dentesque fuerunt,
Et lapides, et item sylvarum fragmina rami,
Posterius ferri vis est, aerisque reperta,
Sed prior aeris erat, quam ferri cognitus usus" - -

the translation is that of Good.   For a more exact prose translation, see Munro's Lucretius, fourth edition, which is much more careful, at least in the proof-reading, than the first edition.   As regards Lucretius's propheitc insight into some of the greatest conclusiuons of modern science, see Munro's translation and notes, fourth edition, book v, notes ii, p. 335. On the relation of several passages in Horace to the ideas of Lucretius, see Munro as above.   For the passage from Luther, see the Table Talk, Hazlitt's translation, p. 242.

[190] For Vanini, see Topinard, Elements of Anthropologie, p. 52. For a brief and careful summary of the agency of Eccard in Germany, Goguet in France, Hoare in England, and others in various parts of Europe, as regards this development of the scientific view during the eighteenth century, see Mortillet, Le Prehistorique, Paris, 1885, chap. i.   For the agency of Bodin, Bacon, Descartes, and Pascal, see Flint, Philosophy of History, introduction, pp. 28 et seq.   For a shorter summary, see Lubbock, Prehistoric Man.   For the statements by the northern archaeologists, see Nilsson, Worsaae, and the other main works cited in this article.   For a generous statement regarding the great services of the Danish archaeologists in this field, see Quatrefages, introduction to Cartailhac, Les Ages Prehistoriques de l'Espagne et du Portugal.

[191] For Wesley's statement of the amazing consequences of the entrance of death into the world by sin, see citations in his sermon on The Fall of Man in the chapter on Geology.   For Boucher de Perthes, see his Life by Ledieu, especially chapters v and xix; also letters in the appendix; also Les Antiquities Celtiques et Antediluviennes, as cited in previous chapters of this work. For an account of the Neanderthal man and other remains mentioned, see Quatrefages, Human Species, chap. xxvi; also Mortillet, Le Prehistorique, Paris, 1885, pp. 232 et seq.; also other writers cited in this chapter.   For the other discoveries mentioned, see the same sources.   For an engraving of the skull and the restored human face of the Neanderthal man, see Reinach, Antiquities Nationales, etc., vol. i, p. 138.   For the vast regions over which that early race spread, see Quatrefages as above, p. 307.   See also the same author, Histoire Generale des Races Humaines, in the Bibliotheque Ethnologique, Paris, 1887, p. 4.   In the vast mass of literature bearing on this subject, see Quatrefages, Dupont, Reinach, Joly, Mortillet, Tylor, and Lubbock, in works cited through these chapters.

[192] For the general subject, see Mortillet, Le Prehistorique, p.   498, et passim.   For examples of the rude stone implements, improving as we go from earlier to later layers in the bone caves, see Boyd Hawkins, Early Man in Britain, chap. vii, p. 186; also Quatrefages, Human Species, New York, 1879, pp. 305 et seq. An interesting gleam of light is thrown on the subject in De Baye, Grottes Prehistoriques de la Marne, pp. 31 et seq.; also Evans, as cited in the previous chapter.   For the more recent investigations in the Danish shell-heaps, see Boyd Dawkins, Early Man in Britain, pp. 303, 304.   For these evidences of advanced civilization in the shell-heaps, see Mortillet, p. 498.   He, like Nilsson, says that only the bones of the dog were found; but compare Dawkins, p. 305.   For the very full list of these discoveries, with their bearing on each other, see Mortillet, p. 499.   As to those in Scandanavian countries, see Nilsson, The Primitive Inhabitants of Scandanavia, third edition, with Introduction by Lubbock, London, 1868; also the Pre-History of the North, by Worsaae, English translation, London, 1886.   For shell-mounds and their contents in the Spanish Peninsula, see Cartailhac's greater work already cited.   For summary of such discoveries throughout the world, see Mortillet, Le Prehistorique, pp. 497 et seq.

[193] For Mr. Southall's views, see his Recent Origin of Man, p. 20 and elsewhere.   For Mr. Gosse'e views, see his Omphalos as cited in the chapter on Geology in this work.   For a summary of the work of Arcelin, Hamy, Lenormant, Richard, Lubbock, Mook, and Haynes, see Mortillet, Le Prehistorique, passim.   As to Zittel's discovery, see Oscar Fraas's Aus dem Orient, Stuttgart, 1878.   As to the striking similarties of the stone implements found in Egypt with those found in the drift and bone caves, see Mook's monograph, Wurzburg, 1880, cited in the next chapter, especially Plates IX, XI, XII.   For even more striking reproductions of photographs showing this remarkable similarity between Egyptian and European chipped stone remains, see H. W. Haynes, Palaeolithic Implements in Upper Egypt, Boston, 1881.   See also Evans, Ancient Stone Implements, chap. i, pp. 8, 9, 44, 102, 316, 329.   As to stone implements used by priests of Jehovah, priests of Baal, priests of Moloch, priests of Odin, and Egyptian priests, as religious survivals, see Cartailhac, as above, 6 and 7; also Lartet, in De Luynes, Expedition to the Dead Sea; also Nilsson, Primitive Inhabitants of Scandanavia, pp. 96, 97; also Sayce, Herodotus, p. 171, note.   For the discoveries by Pitt- Rivers, see the Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland for 1882, vol. xi, pp. 382 et seq.; and for Campbell's decision regarding them, see ibid., pp. 396, 397.   For facts summed up in the words, "It is most probable that Egypt at a remote period passed like many other countries through its stone period," see Hilton Price, F. S. A., F. G. S., paper in the Journal of the Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland for 1884, p. 56.   Specimens of Palaeolithic implements from Egypt - knives, arrowheads, spearheads, flakes, and the like, both of peculiar and ordinary forms - may be seen in various museums, but especially in that of Prof. Haynes, of Boston.   Some interesting light is also thrown into the subject by the specimens obtained by General Wilson and deposited in the Smithsonian Institution at Washington.   For Abbe Hamard's attack, see his L'Age de la Pierre et L'Homme Primitif, Paris, 1883 - especially his preface.   For the stone weapon found in the high drift behind Esneh, see Flinders Petrie, History of Egypt, chap. i.   Of these discoveries by Pitt-Rivers and others, Maspero appears to know nothing.

[194] For the stone forms given to early bronze axes, etc., see Nilsson, Primitive Inhabitants of Scandanavia, London, 1868, Lubbock's Introduction, p. 31; and for plates, see Lubbock's Prehistoric Man, chap. ii; also Cartailhac, Les Ages Prehistoriques de l'Espagne et du Portugal, p. 227.   Also Keller, Lake Dwellings; also Troyon, Habitations Lacustres; also Boyd Dawkins, Early Man in Great Britain, p. 191; also Lubbock, p. 6; also Lyell, Antiquity of Man,chap.   ii.   For the cranogs, etc., in the north of Europe, see Munro, Ancient Scottish Lake Dwellings, Edinburgh, 1882.   For mounds and greater stone constructions in the extreme south of Europe, see Cartailhac's work on Spain and Portugal above cited, part iii, chap. iii.   For the source of Mr. Southall's contention, see Brugsch, Egypt of the Pharoahs.   For the two sides of the question whether in the lower grades of savagery there is really any recognition of a superior power, or anything which can be called, in any accepted sense, religion, compare Quatrefages with Lubbock, in works already cited.   For a striking but rather ad captandum effort to show that there is a moral and religious sense in the very lowest of Australian tribes, see one of the discourses of Archbishop Vaughn on Science and Religion, Baltimore, 1879.   For one out of multitiudes of striking and instructive resemblances in ancient stone implements and those now in use among sundry savage tribes, see comparison between old Scandanavian arrowheads and those recently brought from Tierra del Fuego, in Nilsson, as above, especially in Plate V.   For a brief and admirable statement of the arguments on both sides, see Sir J. Lubbock's Dundee paper, given in the appendix to the American edition of his Origin of Civilization, etc.   For the general argument referred to between Whately and the Duke of Argyll on one side, and Lubbock on the other, see Lubbock's Dundee paper as above cited; Tylor, Early History of Mankind, especially p. 193; and the Duke of Argyll, Primeval Man, part iv. For difficulties of savages in arithmetic, see Lubbock, as above, pp.   459 et seq.   For a very temperate and judicial view of the whole question, see Tylor as above, chaps.   vii and xiii.   For a brief summary of the scientific position regarding the stagnation and deterioration of races, resulting in the statement that such deterioration "in no way contradicts the theory that civilization itself is developed from low to high stages," see Tylor, Anthropology, chap. i.   For striking examples of the testimony of language to upward progress, see Tylor, chap. xii.

[195] As to evolution in architecture, and especially of Greek forms and ornaments out of Egyptian and Assyrian, with survivals in stone architecture of forms obtained in Egypt when reeds were used, and in Greece when wood construction prevailed, see Fergusson's Handbook of Architecture, vol. i, pp. 100, 228, 233, and elsewhere; also Otfried Muller, Ancient Art and its Remains, English translation, London, 1852, pp. 219, passim.   For a very brief but thorough statement, see A. Magnard's paper in the Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, October, 1889, entitled Reminiscences of Egypt in Doric Architecture.   On the general subject, see Hommel, Babylonien, ch.   i, and Meyer, Alterthum, i, S 199.

[196] As to the good effects of migration, see Waitz, Introduction to Anthropology, London, 1863, p. 345.

[197] For Dr. Winchell's original statements, see Adamites and Pre-Adamites, Syracuse, N.   Y., 1878.   For the first important denunciation of his views, see the St. Louis Christian Advocate, May 22, 1878.   For the conversation with Bishop McTyeire, see Dr. Winchell's own account in the Nashville American of July 19, 1878.   For the further course of the attack in the denominational organ of Dr. Winchell's oppressors, see the Nashville Christian Advocate, April 26, 1879.   For the oratorical declaration of the Tennessee Conference upon the matter, see the Nashville American, October 15, 1878; and for the "ode" regarding the "harmony of science and revelation" as supported at the university, see the same journal for May 2, 1880

[198] For the resolution of the Presbyterian Synod of Mississippi in 1857, see Prof. Woodrow's speech before the Synod of South Carolina, October 27 and 28, 1884, p. 6.   As to the action of the Board of Directors of the Theological Seminary of Columbia, see ibid.   As to the minority report in the Synod of South Carolina, see ibid., p. 24.   For the pithy sentences regarding the conduct of the majority in the synods toward Dr. Woodrow, see the Rev. Mr.   Flynn's article in the Southern Presbyterian Review for April, 1885, p. 272, and elsewhere.   For the restrictions regarding the teaching of the Copernican theory and the true doctrine of comets in German universities, see various histories of astronomy, especially Madler.   For the immaculate oath (Immaculaten-Eid) as enforced upon the Austrian professors, see Luftkandl, Die Josephinischen Ideen.   For the effort of the Church in France, after the restoration of the Bourbons, to teach a history of that country from which the name of Napoleon should be left out, see Father Loriquet's famous Histoire de France a l'Usage de la Jeunesse, Lyon, 1820, vol. ii, see especially table of contents at the end.   The book bears on its title-page the well known initials of the Jesuit motto, A. M. D. G. (Ad Majorem Dei Gloriam).   For examples in England and Scotland, see various English histories, and especially Buckle's chapters on Scotland. For a longer collection of examples showing the suppression of anything like unfettered thought upon scientific subjects in American universities, see Inaugural Address at the Opening of Cornell University, by the author of these chapters.   For the citation regarding the evolution of better and nobler ideas of God, see Church and Creed: Sermons preached in the Chapel of the Foundling Hospital, London, by A. W. Momerie, M. A., LL.   D., Professor of Logic and Metaphysics in King's College, London, 1890.   For a very vigorous utterance on the other side, see a recent charge of the Bishop of Gloucester.

[199] For Tertullian, see the Apol.   contra gentes, C. 47; also Augustin de Angelis, Lectiones Meteorologicae, p. 64.   For Hilary, see In Psalm CXXXV.   (Migne, Patr.   Lat., vol. ix, p. 773).

[200] "Firmans tonitrua" (Amos iv, 13); the phrase does not appear in our version.

[201] For Ambrose, see the Hexaemeron, lib. ii, cap. 3,4; lib. iii, cap. 5 (Migne, Patr.   Lat., vol. xiv, pp. 148-150, 153, 165). The passage as to lubrication of the heavenly axis is as follows: "Deinde cum ispi dicant volvi orbem coeli stellis ardentibus refulgentem, nonne divina providentia necessario prospexit, ut intra orbem coeli, et supra orbem redundaret aqua, quae illa ferventis axis incendia temperaret?" For Jerome, see his Epistola, lxix, cap. 6 (Migne, Patr.   Lat., vol. xxii, p.659).

[202] "Major est quippe Scripturae hujas auctoritas, quam omnis humani ingenii capacitas." - Augustine, De Genesi ad Lit., lib. ii, cap. 5 (Migne, Patr.   Lat., vol. xxxiv, pp. 266, 267).   Or, as he is cited by Vincent of Beauvais (Spec.   Nat., lib. iv, 98): "Non est aliquid temere diffiniendum, sed quantum Scriptura dicit accipiendum, cujus major est auctoritas quam omnis humani ingenii capacitas."

[203] For Cosmas, see his Topographia Christiana (in Montfaucon, Collectio nova patrum, vol. ii), and the more complete account of his theory given in the chapter on Geography in this work.   For Isidore, see the Etymologiae, lib. xiii, cap. 7-9, De ordine creaturarum, cap. 3, 4, and De natura rerum, cap. 29, 30. (Migne, Patr.   Lat., vol. lxxxii, pp. 476, 477, vol. lxxxiii, pp. 920-922, 1001-1003).

[204] See Bede, De natura rerum (Migne, Patr.   Lat., vol. xc).

[205] See the treatise De mundi constitutione, in Bede's Opera (Migne, Patr.   Lat., vol. xc, p. 884).

[206] For this remonstrance, see the Elementa philosophiae, in Bede's Opera (Migne, Patr.   Lat., vol.xc, p. 1139).   This treatise, which has also been printed, under the title of De philosophia mundi, among the works of Honorius of Autun, is believed by modern scholars (Haureau, Werner, Poole) to be the production of William of Conches.

[207] For Rabanus Maurus, see the Comment.   in Genesim and De Universo (Migne, Patr.   Lat., vol. cvii, cxi).   For a charmingly naive example of the primers referred to, see the little Anglo- Saxon manual of astronomy, sometimes attributed to Aelfric; it is in the vernacular, but is translated in Wright's Popular Treatises on Science during the Middle Ages.   Bede is, of course, its chief source.   For Honorius, see De imagine mundi and Hexaemeron (Migne, Patr.   Lat., vol. clxxii).   The De philosophia mundi, the most rational of all, is, however, believed by modern scholars to be unjustly ascribed to him.   See note above.

[208] See Joannes a S. Geminiano, Summa, C. 75.

[209] See Albertus Magnus, II Sent., Op., vol. xv, p. 137, a. (cited by Heller, Gesch.   D. Physik, vol. i, p. 184) and his Liber Methaurorum, III, iv, 18 (of which I have used the edition of Venice, 1488).

[210] For D'Ailly, see his Concordia astronomicae veritatis cum theologia (Paris, 1483 - in the Imago mundi - and Venice, 1490); also Eck's commentary on Aristotle's Meteorologica (Ausburg, 1519), lib. ii, nota 2; also Reisch, Margarita philosophica, lib. ix, C. 18.

[211] For the authorities, pagan and Christian, see the note of Merivale, in his History of the Romans under the Empire, chap. lxviii.   He refers for still fuller citations to Fynes Clinton's Fasti Rom., p. 24.

[212] See Trollope, History of Florence, vol. i, p. 64.

[213] See Caesarius Heisterbacensis, Dialogus miraculorum, lib. x, C. 28-30.

[214] For Tyndale, see his Doctrinal Treatises, p. 194, and for Whitgift, see his Works, vol. ii, pp. 477-483; Bale, Works, pp. 244, 245; and Pilkington, Works, pp. 177, 536 (all in Parker Society Publications).   Bishop Bale cites especially Job xxxviii, Ecclesiasticus xiii, and Revelation viii, as supporting the theory.   For Plieninger's words, see Janssen, Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, vol. v, p. 350.

[215] For Majoli, see Dies Can., I, i; for Stengel, see the De judiciis divinis, vol. ii, pp. 15-61, and especially the example of the impurus et saltator sacerdos, fulmine castratus, pp. 26, 27.   For Nuber, see his Conciones meteoricae, Ulm, 1661.

[216] For Stoltzlin, see his Geistliches Donner- und Wetter- Buchlein (Zurich, 1731).   For Increase Mather, see his The Voice of God, etc.   (Boston, 1704).   This rare volume is in the rich collection of the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester.   For Cotton Mather's view, see the chapter From Signs and Wonders to Law, in this work.   For the Bishop of Verdun, see the Semaine relig.   de Lorraine, 1879, p. 445 (cited by "Paul Parfait," in his Dossier des Pelerinages, pp. 141-143).

[217] For so the Vulgate and all the early versions rendered Ps. xcvi, 5.

[218] For St. Jerome, see his Com.   in Ep.   ad Ephesios (lib.   iii, cap.6): commenting on the text, "Our battle is not with flesh and blood," he explains this as meaning the devils in the air, and adds, "Nam et in alio loco de daemonibus quod in aere isto vagentur, Apostolus ait: In quibus ambulastis aliquando juxta Saeculum mundi istius, secundum principem potestatis aeris spiritus, qui nunc operatur in filos diffidentiae (Eph, ii,2). Haec autem omnium doctorum opinio est, quod aer iste qui coelum et terram medius dividens, inane appellatur, plenus sit contrariis fortitudinibus." See also his Com.   in Isaiam, lib. xiii, cap. 50 (Migne, Patr.   Lat., vol. xxiv, p. 477).   For Augustine, see the De Civitate Dei, passim.

[219] For Bede, see the Hist. Eccles., vol. i, p. 17; Vita Cuthberti, C. 17 (Migne, tome xliv).   For Thomas Aquinas, see the Summa, pars I, qu.   lxxx, art.   2.   The second citation I owe to Rydberg, Magic of the Middle Ages, p. 73, where the whole interesting passage is given at length.   For Albertus Magnus, see the De Potentia Daemonum (cited by Maury, Legendes Pieuses).   For Bonaventura, see the Comp.   Theol.   Veritat., ii, 26.   For Dante, see Purgatorio, C. 5.   On Bordone's picture, see Maury, Legendes Pieuses, p. 18, note.

[220] See, for lists of such admiranda, any of the early writers - E. g., Vincent of Beauvais, Reisch's Margarita, or Eck's Aristotle.

[221] See the Lumen animae, Eichstadt, 1479.

[222] See Eck, Aristotelis Meteorologica, Augsburg, 1519.

[223] For Luther, see the Table Talk; also Michelet, Life of Luther (translated by Hazlitt, p. 321).

[224] For Delrio, see his Disquisitiones Magicae, first printed at Liege in 1599-1600, but reprinted again and again throughout the seventeenth century.   His interpretation of Psalm lxxviii, 47-49, was apparently shared by the translators of our own authorized edition.   For citations by him, see Revelation vii, 1,; Ephesians ii, 2.   Even according to modern commentators (e.g., Alford), the word here translated "power" denotes not MIGHT, but GOVERNMENT, COURT, HIERARCHY; and in this sense it was always used by the ecclesiastical writers, whose conception is best rendered by our plural - "powers." See Delrio, Disquisitiones Magicae, lib. ii, C. 11.

[225] For Guacci, see his Compendium Maleficarum (Milan, 1608). For the cases of St. Giles, John Wesley, and others stilling the tempests, see Brewer, Dictionary of Miracles, S. v.   Prayer.

[226] See Polidorus Valerius, Practica exorcistarum; also the Thesaurus exorcismorum (Cologne, 1626), pp. 158-162.

[227] That is, Exorcismi, etc.   A "corrected" second edition was printed at Laybach, 1680, in 24mo, to which is appended another manual of Preces et conjurationes contra aereas tempestates, omnibus sacerdotibus utiles et necessaria, printed at the monastery of Kempten (in Bavaria) in 1667.   The latter bears as epigraph the passage from the gospels describing Christ's stilling of the winds.

[228] See Gretser, De benedictionibus et maledictionibus, lib. ii, C. 48.

[229] So, at least, says Gretser (in his De ben.   et aml., as above).

[230] "Instituit ut aqua quam sanctum appellamus sale admixta interpositus sacris orationibus et in templis et in cubiculis ad fugandos daemones retineretur." Platina, Vitae Pontif.   But the story is from the False Decretals.

[231] See Rydberg, The Magic of the Middle Ages, translated by Edgren, pp. 63-66.

[232] These pious charms are still in use in the Church, and may be found described in any ecclesiastical cyclopaedia.   The doggerel verses run as follows:

"Tonitrua magna terret,
Et peccata nostra delet;
Ab incendio praeservat,
A subersione servat,
A morte cita liberat,
Et Cacodaemones fugat,

Inimicos nostras domat
Praegnantem cum partu salvat,
Dona dignis multa confert,
Utque malis mala defert.  
Portio, quamvis parva sit,
Ut magna tamen proficit."

See these verses cited in full faith, so late as 1743, in Father Vincent of Berg's Enchiridium, pp. 23, 24, where is an ample statement of the virtues of the Agnus Dei, and instructions for its use.   A full account of the rites used in consecrating this fetich, with the prayers and benedictions which gave colour to this theory of the powers of the Agnus Dei, may be found in the ritual of the Church.   I have used the edition entitled Sacrarum ceremoniarum sive rituum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae libri tres, Rome, 1560, in folio.   The form of the papal prayer is as follows: "Deus . . . te supplicater deprecamur, ut . . . has cereas formas, innocentissimi agni imagine figuritas, benedicere . . . digneris, ut per ejus tactum et visum fideles invitentur as laudes, fragor grandinum, procella turbinum, impetus tempestatum, ventorum rabies, infesta tonitrua temperentur, fugiant atque tremiscant maligni spiritus ante Sanctae Crucis vexillum, quod in illis exculptum est. . . . "(Sacr.   Cer.   Rom.   Eccl., as above).   If any are curious as to the extent to which this consecrated wax was a specific for all spiritual and most temporal ills during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, let them consult the Jesuit Litterae annuae, passim.

[233] John of Winterthur describes many such processions in Switzerland in the thirteenth century, and all the monkish chronicles speak of them.   See also Rydberg, Magic of the Middle Ages, p. 74.

[234] As to protection by special saints as stated, see the Guide du touriste et du pelerin a Chartes, 1867 (cited by "Paul Parfait," in his Dossier des Pelerinages); also pp. 139-145 of the Dossier.

[235] Perticae.   See Montanus, Hist. Nachricht van den Glocken (Chenmitz, 1726), p. 121; and Meyer, Der Aberglaube des Mittelalters, p. 186.

[236] For statements regarding Pope John and bell superstitions, see Higgins's Anacalypsis, vol. ii, p. 70.   See also Platina, Vitae Pontif., S. v.   John XIII, and Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastici, sub anno 968.   The conjecture of Baronius that the bell was named after St. John the Baptist, is even more startling than the accepted tradition of the Pope's sponsorship.

[237] For these illustrations, with others equally striking, see Meyer, Der Aberglaube des Mittelalters, pp. 185, 186.   For the later examples, see Germain, Anciennes cloches lorraines (Nancy, 1885), pp. 23, 27.

[238] "An dem Tufel will cih mich rachen,
Mit der hilf gotz alle bosen wetter erbrechen." (See Meyer, as above.)

[239] Sleiden's Commentaries, English translation, as above, fol. 334 (lib.   xxi, sub anno 1549).

[240] See Montanus, as above, who cites Beck, Lutherthum vor Luthero, p. 294, for the statement that many bells were carried to the Jordan by pilgrims for this purpose.

[241] For prayers at bell baptisms, see Arago, Oeuvres, Paris, 1854, vol. iv, p. 322.

[242] As has often been pointed out, the ceremony was in all its details - even to the sponsors, the wrapping a garment about the baptised, the baptismal fee, the feast - precisely the same as when a child was baptised.   Magius, who is no sceptic, relates from his own experience an instant of this sort, where a certain bishop stood sponsor for two bells, giving them both his own name - William.   (See his De Tintinnabulis, vol. xiv.)

[243] And no wonder, when the oracle of the Church, Thomas Aquinas, expressly pronounced church bells, "provided they have been duly consecrated and baptised," the foremost means of "frustrating the atmospheric mischiefs of the devil," and likened steeples in which bells are ringing to a hen brooding her chickens, "for the tones of the consecrated metal repel the demons and avert storm and lightning"; when pre-Reformation preachers of such universal currency as Johannes Herolt declared, "Bells, as all agree, are baptised with the result that they are secure from the power of Satan, terrify the demons, compel the powers"; when Geiler of Kaiserberg especially commended bell- ringing as a means of beating off the devil in storms; and when a canonist like Durandus explained the purpose of the rite to be, that "the demons hearing the trumpets of the Eternal King, to wit, the bells, may flee in terror, and may cease from the stirring up of tempests." See Herolt, Sermones Discipuli, vol. xvii, and Durandus, De ritibus ecclesiae, vol. ii, p. 12.   I owe the first of these citations to Rydberg, and the others to Montanus.   For Geiler, see Dacheux, Geiler de Kaiserberg, pp. 280, 281.

[244] The baptism of bells was indeed, one of the express complaints of the German Protestant princes at the Reformation. See their Gravam.   Cent.   German.   Grav., p. 51.   For Hooper, see his Early Writings, p. 197 (in Parker Society Publications).   For Pilkington, see his Works, p. 177 (in same).   Among others sharing these opinions were Tyndale, Bishop Ridley, Archbishop Sandys, Becon, Calfhill, and Rogers.   It is to be noted that all of these speak of the rite as "baptism."

[245] For Elector of Saxony, see Peuchen, Disp.   circa tempestates, Jena, 1697.   For the Protestant theory of bells, see, E. g., the Ciciones Selectae of Superintendent Conrad Dieterich (cited by Peuchen, Disp.   circa tempestates).   For Protestant ringing of bells to dispel tempests, see Schwimmer, Physicalische Luftfragen, 1692 (cited by Peuchen, as above).   He pictures the whole population of a Thuringinian district flocking to the churches on the approach of a storm.

[246] For Olaus Magnus, see the De gentibus septentrionalibus (Rome, 1555), lib. i, C. 12, 13.   For Descartes, see his De meteor., cent.   2, 127.   In his Historia Ventorum he again alludes to the belief, and without comment.

[247] See Binsfeld, De Confessionbus Malef., pp. 308-314, edition of 1623.

[248] For De Angelis, see his Lectiones Meteorol., p. 75.

[249] For a very interesting statement of Agobard's position and work, with citations from his Liber contra insulsam vulgi opinionem de grandine et tonitruis, see Poole, Illustrations of the History of Mediaeval Thought, pp. 40 et seq.   The works of Agobard are in vol. civ of Migne's Patrol.   Lat.

[250] For the bull of Pope Eugene, see Raynaldus, Annales Eccl., pp.   1437, 1445.   The Latin text of the bull Summis Desiderantes may now be found in the Malleus Maleficarum, in Binsfeld's De Confessionibus cited below, or in Roskoff's Geschichte des Teufles (Leipsic, 1869), vol. i, pp. 222-225.   There is, so far as I know, no good analysis, in any English book, of the contents of the Witch-Hammer; but such may be found in Roskoff's Geschichte des Teufels, or in Soldan's Geschichte der Hexenprozesse.   Its first dated edition is that of 1489; but Prof.   Burr has shown that it was printed as early as 1486.   It was, happily, never translated into any modern tongue.

[251] For still extant lists of such questions, see the Zeitschrift fur deutsche Culturgeschichte for 1858, pp. 522-528, or Diefenbach, Der Hexenwahn in Deutschland, pp. 15-17.   Father Vincent of Berg (in his Enchiridium) gives a similar list for use by priests in the confession of the accused.   Manuscript lists of this sort which have actually done service in the courts of Baden and Bavaria may be seen in the library of Cornell University.

[252] For proofs of the vigour of the Jesuits in this persecution, see not only the histories of witchcraft, but also the Annuae litterae of the Jesuits themselves, passim.

[253] To the argument cited above, Bodin adds: "Id certissimam daemonis praesentiam significat; nam ubicunque daemones cum hominibus nefaria societatis fide copulantur, foedissimum semper relinquunt sulphuris odorem, quod sortilegi saepissime experiuntur et confitentur." See Bodin's Universae Naturae Theatrum, Frankfort, 1597, pp. 208-211.   The first edition of the book by Pomponatius, which was the earliest of his writings, is excessively rare, but it was reprinted at Venice just a half- century later.   It is in his De incantationibus, however, that he speaks especially of devils.   As to Pomponatius, see, besides these, Creighton's History of the Papacy during the Reformation, and an excellent essay in Franck's Moralistes et Philosophes. For Agrippa, see his biography by Prof. Henry Morley, London, 1856.   For Bodin, see a statement of his general line of argument in Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, vol. i, chap. 1.

[254] What remains of the manuscript of Loos, which until recently was supposed to be lost, was found, hidden away on the shelves of the old Jesuit library at Treves, by Mr. George Lincoln Burr, now a professor at Cornell University; and Prof. Burr's copy of the manuscript is now in the library of that institution.   For a full account of the discovery and its significance, see the New York Nation for November 11, 1886.   The facts regarding the after-life of Loos were discovered by Prof. Burr in manuscript records at Brussels.

[255] For the case of Flade, see the careful study by Prof. Burr, The Fate of Dietrich Flade, in the Papers of the American Historical Association, 1891.

[256] For Spee and Schonborn, see Soldan and other German authorities.   There are copies of the first editions of the Cautio Criminalis in the library of Cornell University. Binsfeld's book bore the title of Tractatus de confessionibus maleficorum et sagarum.   First published at Treves in 1589, it appeared subsequently four times in the original Latin, as well as in two distinct German translations, and in a French one. Remigius's manual was entitled Daemonolatreia, and was first printed at Lyons in 1595.

[257] For Wier, or Weyer,s ee, besides his own works, the excellent biography by Prof. Binz, of Bonn.

[258] For Thomasius, see his various bigraphies by Luden and others; also the treatises on witchcraft by Soldan and others. Manuscript notes of his lectures, and copies of his earliest books on witchcraft as well as on other forms of folly, are to be found in the library of Cornell University.

[259] For Carpzov and his successors, see authorities already given.   The best account of James's share in the extortion of confessions may be found in the collection of Curious Tracts published at Edinburgh in 1820.   See also King James's own Demonologie, and Pitcairn's Criminal Trials of Scotland, vol. i, part ii, pp. 213-223.   For Casaubon, see his Credulity and Incredulity in Things Natural, pp. 66, 67.   For Glanvil, More, Casaubon, Baxter, Wesley, and others named, see Lecky, as above. As to Increase Mather, in his sermons, already cited, on The Voice of God in Stormy Winds, Boston, 1704, he says: "when there are great tempests, the Angels oftentimes have a Hand therein. . . . . Yea, and sometimes, by Divine Permission, Evil Angels have a Hand in such Storms and Tempests as are very hurtful to Men on the Earth." Yet "for the most part, such Storms are sent by the Providence of God as a Sign of His Displeasure for the Sins of Men," and sometimes "as Prognosticks and terrible Warnings of Great Judgements not far off." From the height of his erudition Mather thus rebukes the timid voice of scientific scepticism: "There are some who would be esteemed the Wits of the World, that ridicule those as Superstitious and Weak Persons, which look upon Dreadful Tempests as Prodromous of other Judgements. Nevertheless, the most Learned and Judicious Writers, not only of the Gentiles, but amongst Christians, have Embraced such a Persuasion; their Sentiments therein being Confirmed by the Experience of many Ages." For another curious turn given to this theory, with reference to sanitary science, see Deodat Lawson's famous sermon at Salem, in 1692, on Christ's Fidelity a Shield against Satan's Malignity, p. 21 of the second edition.   For Cotton Mather, see his biography by Barrett Wendell, pp. 91, 92; also the chapter on Diabolism and Hysteria in this work.   For Fromundus, see his Meteorologica (London, 1656), lib. iii, C. 9, and lib. ii, C. 3.   For Schott, see his Physica Curiosa (edition of Wurzburg, 1667), p. 1249.   For Father Vincent of Berg, see his Enchiridium quadripartitum (Cologne, 1743).   Besides benedictions and exorcisms for all emergencies, it contains full directions for the manufacture of Agnes Dei, and of another sacred panacea called "Heiligthum," not less effective against evil powers, - gives formulae to be worn for protection against the devil, - suggests a list of signs by which diabolical possession may be recognised, and prescribes the question to be asked by priests in the examination of witches.   For Wesley, see his Journal for 1768.   The whole citation is given in Lecky.

[260] For Koken, see his Offenbarung Gottes in Wetter, Hildesheim, c1756; and for the answer to Bacon, see Gretser's De Benedictionibus, lib. ii, cap. 46.

[261] Regarding opposition to Franklin's rods in America, see Prince's sermon, especially p. 23; also Quincy, History of Harvard University, vol. ii, p. 219; also Works of John Adams, vol.   ii, pp. 51, 52; also Parton's Life of Franklin, vol. i, p. 294.

[262] For reluctance in England to protect churches with Franklin's rods, see Priestley, History of Electricity, London, 1775, vol. i, pp. 407, 465 et seq.

[263] See article on Lightning in the Edinburgh Review for October, 1844.

[264] See the Guide des Visiteurs a Lerins, published at the Monastery in 1880, p. 204; also the Histoire de Lerins, mentioned below.

[265] See Guide, as above, p. 84.   Les Isles de Lerins, by the Abbe Alliez (Paris, 1860), and the Histoire de Lerins, by the same author, are the authorities for the general history of the abbey, and are especially strong in presenting the miracles of St.   Honorat, etc.   The Cartulaire of the monastery, recently published, is also valuable.   But these do not cover the recent revival, for an account of which recourse must be had to the very interesting and naive Guide already cited.

[266] For magic in prehistoric times and survivals of it since, with abundant citation of authorities, see Tylor, Primitive Culture, chap. iv; also The Early History of Mankind, by the same author, third edition, pp. 115 et seq., also p. 380.; also Andrew Lang, Myth, Ritual, and Religion, vol. i, chap iv.   For magic in Egypt, see Lenormant, Chaldean Magic, chaps.   vi-viii; also Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient; also Maspero and Sayce, The Dawn of Civilization, p. 282, and for the threat of magicians to wreck heaven, see ibid, p. 17, note, and especially the citations from Chabas, Le Papyrus Magique Harris, in chap. vii; also Maury, La Magie et l'Astrologie dans l'Antiquite et au Moyen Age.   For magic in Chaldea, see Lenormant as above; also Maspero and Sayce, pp. 780 et seq.   For examples of magical powers in India, see Max Muller's Sacred Books of the East, vol. xvi, pp. 121 et seq.   For a legendary view of magic in Media, see the Zend Avesta, part i, p. 14, translated by Darmsteter; and for a more highly developed view, see the Zend Avesta, part iii, p. 239, translated by Mill.   For magic in Greece and Rome, and especially in the Neoplatonic school, as well as in the Middle Ages, see especially Maury, La Magie et l'Astrologie, chaps.   iii-v.   For various sorts of magic recognised and condemned in our sacred books, see Deuteronomy xviii, 10, 11; and for the burning of magical books at Ephesus under the influence of St. Paul, see Acts xix, 14.   See also Ewald, History of Israel, Martineau's translation, fourth edition, vol. iii, pp. 45-51.   For a very elaborate summing up of the passages in our sacred books recognizing magic as a fact, see De Haen, De Magia, Leipsic, 1775, chaps.   i, ii, and iii, of the first part.   For the general subject of magic, see Ennemoser, History of Magic, translated by Howitt, which, however, constantly mixes sorcery with magic proper.

[267] As to the beginnings of physical science in Greece, and of the theological opposition to physical science, also Socrates's view regarding certain branches as interdicted to human study, see Grote's History of Greece, vol. i, pp. 495 and 504, 505; also Jowett's introduction to his translation of the Timaeus, and Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences.   For examples showing the incompatibility of Plato's methods in physical science with that pursued in modern times, see Zeller, Plato and the Older Academy, English translation by Alleyne and Goodwin, pp.   375 et.   seq.   The supposed opposition to freedom of opinion in the Laws of Plato, toward the end of his life, can hardly make against the whole spirit of Greek thought.

[268] For the view of Peter Damian and others through the Middle Ages as to the futility of scientific investigation, see citations in Eicken, Geschichte und System der mittelalterlichen Weltanschauung, chap. vi.

[269] As typical examples, see utterances of Eusibius and Lactantius regarding astronomers given in the chapter on Astronomy.   For a summary of Rabanus Maurus's doctrine of physics, see Heller, Geschichte der Physik, vol. i, pp. 172 et seq.   For Bede and Isidore, see the earlier chapters of this work.   For an excellent statement regarding the application of scriptural standards to scientific research in the Middle Ages, see Kretschemr, Die physische Erdkunde im christlichen Mittelalter, pp. 5 et seq.   For the distinctions in magic recognised in the mediaeval Church, see the long catalogue of various sorts given in the Abbe Migne's Encyclopedie Theologique, third series, article Magic.

[270] For a very careful discussion of Albert's strength in investigation and weakness in yielding to scholastic authority, see Kopp, Ansichten uber die Aufgabe der Chemie von Geber bis Stahl, Braunschweig, 1875, pp. 64 et seq.   For a very extended and enthusiastic biographical sketch, see Pouchet.   For comparison of his work with that of Thomas Aquinas, see Milman, History of Latin Christianity, vol. vi, p. 461.   "Il etat aussi tres-habile dans les arts mecaniques, ce que le fit soupconner d'etre sorcier" (Sprengel, Histoire de la Medecine, vol. ii, p. 389).   For Albert's biography treated strictly in accordance with ecclesiastical methods, see Albert the Great, by Joachim Sighart, translated by the Rev. T. A. Dickson, of the Order of Preachers, published under the sanction of the Dominican censor and of the Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster, London, 1876.   How an Englishman like Cardinal Manning could tolerate among Englishmen such glossing over of historical truth is one of the wonders of contemporary history.   For choice specimens, see chapters ii, and iv.   For one of the best and most recent summaries, see Heller, Geschichte der Physik, Stuttgart, 1882, vol. i, pp. 179 et seq.

[271] For Vincent de Beauvais, see Etudes sur Vincent de Beauvais, par l'Abbe Bourgeat, chaps.   xii, xiii, and xiv; also Pouchet, Histoire des Sciences Naturelles au Moyen Age, Paris, 1853, pp. 470 et seq; also other histories cited hereafter.

[272] For citations showing this subordination of science to theology, see Eicken, chap. vi.

[273] For the work of Aquinas, see his Liber de Caelo et Mundo, section xx; also Life and Labours of St. Thomas of Aquin, by Archbishop Vaughn, pp. 459 et seq.   For his labours in natural science, see Hoefer, Histoire de la Chimie, Paris, 1843, vol. i, p.   381.   For theological views of science in the Middle Ages, and rejoicing thereat, see Pouchet, Hist. des Sci.   Nat.   au Moyen Age, ubi supra.   Pouchet says: " En general au milieu du moyen age les sciences sont essentiellement chretiennes, leur but est tout-a- fait religieux, et elles sembent beaucoup moins s'inquieter de l'avancement intellectuel de l'homme que de son salut eternel." Pouchet calls this "conciliation" into a "harmonieux ensemble" "la plus glorieuse des conquetes intellectuelles du moyen age." Pouchet belongs to Rouen, and the shadow of the Rouen Cathedral seems thrown over all his history.   See, also, l'Abbe Rohrbacher, Hist.   de l'Eglise Catholique, Paris, 1858, vol. xviii, pp. 421 et seq.   The abbe dilates upon the fact that "the Church organizes the agreement of all the sciences by the labours of St. Thomas of Aquin and his contemporaries." For the complete subordination of science to theology by St. Thomas, see Eicken, chap. vi.   For the theological character of science in the Middle Ages, recognised by a Protestant philosophic historian, see the well-known passage in Guizot, History of Civilization in Europe; and by a noted Protestant ecclesiatic, see Bishop Hampden's Life of Thomas Aquinas, chaps.   xxxvi, xxxvii; see also Hallam, Middle Ages, chap.   ix.   For dealings of Pope John XXII, of the Kings of France and England, and of the Republic of Venice, see Figuier, L'Alchimie et la Alchimistes, pp. 140, 141, where, in a note, the text of the bull Spondet paritur is given.   For popular legends regarding Albert and St. Thomas, see Eliphas Levi, Hist. de la Magie, liv.   iv, chap. iv.

[274] For the charge of magic against scholars and others, see Naude, Apologie pour les Grands Hommes soupconnes de Magie, passim; also Maury, Hist. de la Magie, troisieme edition, pp. 214, 215; also Cuvier, Hist. des Sciences Naturelles, vol. i, p. 396.   For the prohibition by the Council of Tours and Alexander III, see the Acta Conciliorum (ed.   Harduin), tom.   vi, pars ii, p. 1598, Canon viii.

[275] For an account of Bacon's treatise, De Nullitate Magiae, see Hoefer.   For the uproar caused by Bacon's teaching at Oxford, see Kopp, Geschichte der Chemie, Braunschweig, 1869, vol. i, p. 63; and for a somewhat reactionary discussion of Bacon's relation to the progress of chemistry, see a recent work by the same author, Ansichten uber die Aufgabe der Chemie, Braunschweig, 1874, pp. 85 et seq.; also, for an excellent summary, see Hoefer, Hist.   de la Chimie, vol. i, pp. 368 et seq.   For probably the most thorough study of Bacon's general works in science, and for his views of the universe, see Prof. Werner, Die Kosmologie und allgemeine Naturlehre des Roger Baco, Wein, 1879.   For summaries of his work in other fields, see Whewell, vol. i, pp. 367, 368; Draper, p. 438; Saisset, Descartes et ses Precurseurs, deuxieme edition, pp. 397 et seq.; Nourrisson, Progres de la Pensee humaine, pp. 271, 272; Sprengel, Histoire de la Medecine, Paris, 1865, vol. ii, p. 397; Cuvier, Histoire des Sciences Naturelles, vol.   i, p. 417.   As to Bacon's orthodoxy, see Saisset, pp. 53, 55.   For special examination of causes of Bacon's condemnation, see Waddington, cited by Saisset, p. 14.   For a brief but admirable statement of Roger Bacon's realtion to the world in his time, and of what he might have done had he not been thwarted by theology, see Dollinger, Studies in European History, English translation, London, 1890, pp. 178, 179.   For a good example of the danger of denying the full power of Satan, even in much more recent times and in a Protestant country, see account of treatment in Bekker's Monde Enchante by the theologians of Holland, in Nisard, Histoire des Livres Populaires, vol. i, pp. 172, 173.   Kopp, in his Ansichten, pushes criticism even to some scepticism as to Roger Bacon being the DISCOVERER of many of the things generally attributed to him; but, after all deductions are carefully made, enough remains to make Bacon the greatest benefactor to humanity during the Middle Ages.   For Roger Bacon's deep devotion to religion and the Church, see citation and remarks in Schneider, Roger Bacon, Augsburg, 1873, p. 112; also, citation from the Opus Majus, in Eicken, chap. vi.   On Bacon as a "Mohammedan," see Saisset, p. 17.   For the interdiction of studies in physical science by the Dominicans and Franciscans, see Henri Martin, Histoire de France, vol. iv, p. 283.   For suppression of chemical teaching by the Parliament of Paris, see ibid., vol. xii, pp. 14, 15.   For proofs that the world is steadily working toward great discoveries as to the cause and prevention of zymotic diseases and their propogation, see Beale's Disease Germs, Baldwin Latham's Sanitary Engineering, Michel Levy's Traite a Hygiene Publique et Privee.   For a summary of the bull Spondent pariter, and for an example of injury done by it, see Schneider, Geschichte der Alchemie, p. 160; and for a studiously moderate statement, Milman, Latin Christianity, book xii, chap. vi.   For character and general efforts of John XXII, see Lea, Inquisition, vol. iii, p. 436, also pp. 452 et seq.   For the character of the two papal briefs, see Rydberg, p. 177.   For the bull Summis Desiderantes, see previous chapters of this work. For Antonio de Dominis, see Montucla, Hist. des Mathematiques, vol.   i, p. 705; Humboldt, Cosmos; Libri, vol. iv, pp. 145 et seq. For Weyer, Flade, Bekker, Loos, and others, see the chapters of this work on Meteorology, Demoniacal Possession and Insanity, and Diabolism and Hysteria.

[276] For Porta, see the English translation of his main summary, Natural Magick, London, 1658.   The first chapters are especially interesting, as showing what the word "magic" had come to mean in the mind of a man in whom mediaeval and modern ideas were curiously mixed; see also Hoefer, Histoire de la Chimie, vol. ii, pp.   102-106; also Kopp; also Sprengel, Histoire de la Medecine, vol.   iii, p. 239; also Musset-Pathay.   For the Accademia del Cimento, see Napier, Florentine History, vol. v, p. 485; Tiraboschi, Storia della Litteratura; Henri Martin, Histoire de France; Jevons, Principles of Science, vol. ii, pp. 36-40.   For value attached to Borelli's investigations by Newton and Huygens, see Brewster's Life of Sir Isaac Newton, London, 1875, pp. 128, 129.   Libri, in his first Essai sur Galilee, p. 37, says that Oliva was summoned to Rome and so tortured by the Inquisition that, to escape further cruelty, he ended his life by throwing himself from a window.   For interference by Pope Gregory XVI with the Academy of the Lincei, and with public instruction generally, see Carutti, Storia della Accademia dei Lincei, p. 126.   Pius IX, with all his geniality, seems to have allowed his hostility to voluntary associations to carry him very far at times.   For his answer to an application made through Lord Odo Russell regarding a society for the prevention of cruelty to animals and his answer that "such an association could not be sanctioned by the Holy See, being founded on a theological error, to wit, that Christians owed any duties to animals," see Frances Power Cobbe, Hopes of the Human Race, p. 207.

[277] For an extract from Agrippa's Occulta Philosophia, giving examples of the way in which mystical names were obtained from the Bible, see Rydberg, Magic of the Middle Ages, pp. 143 et seq. For the germs of many mystic beliefs regarding number and the like, which were incorporated into mediaeval theology, see Zeller, Plato and the Older Academy, English translation, pp. 254 and 572, and elsewhere.   As to the connection of spiritual things with inorganic nature in relation to chemistry, see Eicken, p. 634.   On the injury to science wrought by Platonism acting through mediaeval theology, see Hoefer, Histoire de la Chimie, vol.   i, p. 90.   As to the influence of mysticism upon strong men in science, see Hoefer; also Kopp, Geschichte der Alchemie, vol. i, p. 211.   For a very curious Catholic treatise on sacred numbers, see the Abbe Auber, Symbolisme Religieux, Paris, 1870; also Detzel, Christliche Ikonographie, pp. 44 et seq.; and for an equally important Protestant work, see Samuell, Seven the Sacred number, London 1887.   It is interesting to note that the latter writer, having been forced to give up the seven planets, consoles himself with the statement that "the earth is the seventh planet, counting from Neptune and calling the asteroids one" (see p. 426).   For the electrum magicum, the seven metals composing it, and its wonderful qualities, see extracts from Paracelsus's writings in Hartmann's Life of Paracelsus, London, 1887, pp. 168 et seq.   As to the more rapid transition of light than sound, the following expresses the scholastic method well: "What is the cause why we see sooner the lightning than we heare the thunder clappe? That is because our sight is both nobler and sooner perceptive of its object than our eare; as being the more active part, and priore to our hearing: besides, the visible species are more subtile and less corporeal than the audible species." - Person's Varieties, Meteors, p. 82.   For Basil Valentine's view, see Hoefer, vol. i, pp. 453-465; Schmieder, Geschichte der Alchemie, pp. 197-209; Allgemeine deutsche Biographies, article Basilius.   For the discussions referred to on possibilities of God assuming forms of stone, or log, or beast, see Lippert, Christenthum, Volksglaube, und Volksbrauch, pp. 372, 373, where citations are given, etc.   For the syllogism regarding Solomon, see Figuier, L'Alchimie et les Alchimistes, pp. 106, 107.   For careful appreciation of Becher's position in the history of chemistry, see Kopp, Ansichten uber die Aufgabe der Chemie, etc., von Geber bis Stahl, Braunschweig, 1875, pp. 201 et seq.   For the text proving the existence of the philosopher's stone from the book of Revelation, see Figuier, p. 22.

[278] For Melanchthon's ideas on physics, see his Initia Doctrinae Physicae, Wittenberg, 1557, especially pp. 243 and 274; also in vol. xiii of Bretschneider's edition of the collected works, and especially pp. 339-343.

[279] See the Novum Organon, translated by the Rev. G. W. Kitchin, Oxford, 1855, chaps.   lxv and lxxxix.

[280] See Bacon, Advancement of Learning, edited by W. Aldis Wright, London, 1873, pp. 47, 48.   Certainly no more striking examples of the strength of the evil which he had all along been denouncing could be exhibited that these in his own writings. Nothing better illustrates the sway of the mediaeval theology, or better explains his blindness to the discoveries of Copernicus and to the experiments of Gilbert.   For a very contemptuous statement of Lord Bacon's claim to his position as a philosopher, see Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, Leipsic, 1872, vol.i, p. 219.   For a more just statement, see Brewster, Life of Sir Isaac Newton, London, 1874, vol. ii, p. 298.

[281] For Loescher's protest, see Julian Schmidt, Geschichte des geistigen Lebens, etc., vol. i, p. 319.

[282] For the general view of noxious gases as imps of Satan, see Hoefer, Histoire de la Chimie, vol. i, p. 350; vol. ii, p. 48. For the work of Black, Priestley, Bergmann, and others, see main authorities already cited, and especially the admirable paper of Dr.   R. G. Eccles on The Evolution of Chemistry, New York, D. Appleton & Co., 1891.   For the treatment of Priesley, see Spence's Essays, London, 1892; also Rutt, Life and Correspondence of Priestley, vol. ii, pp. 115 et seq.

[283] For a reappearance of the fundamental doctrines of black magic among theologians, see Rev. Dr. Jewett, Professor of Pastoral Theology in the Prot.   Episc.   Gen.   Theolog.   Seminary of New York, Diabolology: The Person and the Kingdom of Satan, New York, 1889.   For their appearance among theosophists, see Eliphas Levi, Histoire de la Magie, especially the final chapters.   For opposition to Boyle and chemistry studies at Oxford in the latter half of the seventeenth century, see the address of Prof. Dixon, F.   R. S., before the British Association, 1894.   For the recent progress of chemistry, and opposition to its earlier development at Oxford, see Lord Salisbury's address as President of the British Association, in 1894.   For the Protestant survival of the mediaeval assertion that the universe was created out of nothing, see the Westminster Catechism, question 15.

[284] For the exertions of the restored Bourbons to crush the universities of Spain, see Hubbard, Hist. Contemporaine de l'Espagne, Paris, 1878, chaps.   i and ii.   For Dupanloup, Lettre a un Cardinal, see the Revue de Therapeutique of 1868, p. 221.

[285] For a general account of the Vulpian and See matter, see Revue des Deux Mondes, 31 mai, 1868, "Chronique de la Quinzaine," pp.   763-765.   As to the result on popular thought, may be noted the following comment on the affair by the Revue, which is as free as possible from anything like rabid anti-ecclesiastical ideas: "Elle a ete vraiment curieuse, instructive, assez triste et meme un peu amusante." For Wurtz's statement, see Revue de Therapeutique for 1868, p. 303.

[286] De Morgan, Paradoxes, pp. 421-428; also Daubeny's Essays.

[287] See the Berlin newspapers for the summer of 1868, especially Kladderdatsch.

[288] Whatever may be thought of the system of philosophy advocated by President McCosh at Princeton, every thinking man must honor him for the large way in which he, at least, broke away from the traditions of that centre of thought; prevented, so far as he was able, persecution of scholars for holding to the Darwinian view; and paved the way for the highest researches in physical science in that university.   For a most eloquent statement of the opposition of modern physical science to mediaeval theological views, as shown in the case of Sir Isaac Newton, see Dr. Thomas Chalmers, cited in Gore, Art of Scientific Discovery, London, 1878, p. 247.

[289] For extended statements regarding medicine in Egypt, Judea, and Eastern nations generally, see Sprengel, Histoire de la Medecine, and Haeser; and for more succinct accounts, Baas, Geschichte der Medicin, pp. 15-29; also Isensee; also Fredault, Histoire de la Medecine, chap. i.   For the effort in Egyptian medicine to deal with demons and witches, see Heinrich Brugsch, Die Aegyptologie, Leipsic, 1891, p. 77; and for references to the Papyrus Ebers, etc., pp. 155, 407, and following.   For fear of dissection and prejudices against it in Egypt, like those in mediaeval Europe, see Maspero and Sayce, Dawn of Civilization, p. 216.   For the derivation of priestly medicine in Egypt, see Baas, pp.   16, 22.   For the fame of Egyptian medicine at Rome, see Sharpe, History of Egypt, vol. ii, pp. 151, 184.   For Assyria, see especially George Smith in Delitzsch's German translation, p. 34, and F. Delitzsch's appendix, p. 27.   On the cheapness and commonness of miracles of healing in antiquity, see Sharpe, quoting St. Jerome, vol. ii, pp. 276, 277.   As to the influence of Chaldean ideas of magic and disease, see Lecky, History of European Morals, vol. i, p. 404 and note.   But, on the other hand, see reference in Homer to diseases caused by a "demon." For the evolution of medicine before and after Hippocrates, see Sprengel.   For a good summing up of the work of Hippocrates, see Baas, p. 201.   For the necessary passage of medicine in its early stages under priestly control, see Cabanis, The Revolution of Medical Science, London, 1806, chap. ii.   On Jewish ideas regarding demons, and their relation to sickness, see Toy, Judaism and Christianity, Boston, 1891, pp. 168 et seq.   For avoidance of dissections of human subjects even by Galen and his disciples, see Maurice Albert, Les Medecins Grecs a Rome, Paris, 1894, chap. xi.   For Herophilus, Erasistratus, and the School of Alexandria, see Sprengel, vol. i, pp. 433, 434 et seq.

[290] This statement was denied with much explosive emphasis by a writer in the Catholic World for September and October, 1891, but he brought no FACT to support this denial.   I may perhaps be allowed to remind the reverend writer that since the days of Pascal, whose eminence in the Church he will hardly dispute, the bare assertion even of a Jesuit father against established facts needs some support other than mere scurrility.

[291]The work of Joseph Acosta is in the Cornell University Library, its title being as follows: De Natura Novi Orbis libri duo et De Promulgatione Evangelii apud Barbaros, sive De Procuranda Indorum Salute, libri sex, autore Jesepho Acosta, presbytero Societis Jesu.   I.   H. S. Salmanticas, apud Guillelmum Foquel, MDLXXXIX.   For the passages cited directly contradicting the working of miracles by Xavier and his associates, see lib. ii, cap. ix, of which the title runs, Cur Miracula in Conversione gentium non fiant nunc, ut olim, a Christi praedicatoribus, especially pp. 242-245; also lib. ii, cap. viii, pp. 237 et seq. For a passage which shows that Xavier was not then at all credited with "the miraculous gift of tongues," see lib. i, cap. vii, p. 173.   Since writing the above, my attention has been called to the alleged miraculous preservation of Xavier's body claimed in sundry letters contemporary with its disinterment at San Chan and reinterment at Goa.   There is no reason why this preservation in itself need be doubted, and no reason why it should be counted miraculous.   Such exceptional preservation of bodies has been common enough in all ages, and, alas for the claims of the Church, quite as common of pagans or Protestants as of good Catholics.   One of the most famous cases is that of the fair Roman maiden, Julia, daughter of Claudius, over whose exhumation at Rome, in 1485, such ado was made by the sceptical scholars of the Renaissance.   Contemporary observers tell us enthusiastically that she was very beautiful, perfectly preserved, "the bloom of youth still upom her cheeks," and exhaling a "sweet odour"; but this enthusiasm was so little to the taste of Pope Innocent VIII that he had her reburied secretly by night.   Only the other day, in June of the year 1895, there was unearthed at Stade, in Hanover, the "perfectly preserved" body of a soldier of the eighth century.   So, too, I might mention the bodies preserved at the church of St. Thomas at Strasburg, beneath the Cathedral of Bremen, and elsewhere during hundreds of years past; also the cases of "adiposeration" in various American cemeteries, which never grow less wonderful by repetition from mouth to mouth and in the public prints.   But, while such preservation is not incredible or even strange, there is much reason why precisely in the case of a saint like St. Francis Xavier the evidence for it should be received with especial caution.   What the touching fidelity of disciples may lead them to believe and proclaim regarding an adored leader in a time when faith is thought more meritorious than careful statement, and miracle more probable than the natural course of things, is seen, for example, in similar pious accounts regarding the bodies of many other saints, especially that of St. Carlo Borromeo, so justly venerated by the Church for his beautiful and charitable life.   And yet any one looking at the relics of various saints, especially those of St. Carlo, preserved with such tender care in the crypt of Milan Cathedral, will see that they have shared the common fate, being either mummified or reduced to skeletons; and this is true in all cases, as far as my observation has extended.   What even a great theologian can be induced to believe and testify in a somewhat similar matter, is seen in St. Augustine's declaration that the flesh of the peacock, which in antiquity and in the early Church was considered a bird somewhat supernaturally endowed, is incorruptible.   The saint declares that he tested it and found it so (see the De Civitate dei, xxi, C. 4, under the passage beginning Quis enim Deus).   With this we may compare the testimony of the pious author of Sir John Mandeville's Travels, that iron floats upon the Dead Sea while feathers sink in it, and that he would not have believed this had he not seen it.   So, too, testimony to the "sweet odour" diffused by the exhumed remains of the saint seem to indicate feeling rather than fact - those highly wrought feelings of disciples standing by - the same feeling which led those who visited St. Simon Stylites on his heap of ordure, and other hermits unwashed and living in filth, to dwell upon the delicious "odour of sanctity' pervading the air.   In point, perhaps, is Louis Veuillot's idealization of the "parfum de Rome," in face of the fact, to which the present writer and thousands of others can testify, that under Papal rule Rome was materially one of the most filthy cities in Christendom. For the case of Julia, see the contemporary letter printed by Janitschek, Gesellschaft der Renaissance in Italien, p. 120, note 167; also Infessura, Diarium Rom.   Urbis, in Muratori, tom.   iii, pt.   2, col.   1192, 1193, and elsewhere; also Symonds, Renaissance in Italy: Age of Despots, p. 22.   For the case at Stade, see press dispatch from Berlin in newspapers of June 24, 25, 1895. The copy of Emanuel Acosta I have mainly used is that in the Royal Library at Munich, De Japonicus rebus epistolarum libri iii, item recogniti; et in Latinum ex Hispanico sermone conversi, Dilingae, MDLXXI.   I have since obtained and used the work now in the library of Cornell University, being the letters and commentary published by Emanuel Acosta and attached to Maffei's book on the History of the Indies, published at Antwerp in 1685. For the first beginnings of miracles wrought by Xavier, as given in the letters of the missionaries, see that of Almeida, lib. ii, p.   183.   Of other collections, or selections from collections, of letters which fail to give any indication of miracles wrought by Xavier during his life, see Wytfliet and Magin, Histoire Universelle des Indes Occidentales et Orientales, et de la Conversion des Indiens, Douay, 1611.   Though several letters of Xavier and his fellow-missionaries are given, dated at the very period of his alleged miracles, not a trace of miracles appears in these.   Also Epistolae Japonicae de multorum in variis Insulis Gentilium ad Christi fidem Conversione, Lovanii, 1570.   These letters were written by Xavier and his companions from the East Indies and Japan, and cover the years from 1549 to 1564.   Though these refer frequently to Xavier, there is no mention of a miracle wrought by him in any of them written during his lifetime.

[292] For the work referred to, see Julii Gabrielii Eugubini orationum et epistolarum, etc., libri duo [et] Epitola de rebus Indicis a quodam Societatis Jesu presbytero, etc., Venetiis, 1569.   The Epistola begins at fol.   44.

[293] The writer in the Catholic World, already mentioned, rather rashly asserts that there is no such Life of Xavier as that I have above quoted.   The reverend Jesuit father has evidently glanced over the bibliographies of Carayon and De Backer, and, not finding it there under the name of Vitelleschi, has spared himself further trouble.   It is sufficient to say that the book may be seen by him in the library of Cornell University.   Its full title is as follows: Compendio della Vita del S. p. Francesco Xaviero dell Campagnia di Giesu, Canonizato con s. Ignatio Fondatore dell' istessa Religione dalla Santita di N.   S. Gregorio XV.   Composto, e dato in luce per ordine del Reverendiss. P Mutio Vitelleschi Preposito Generale della Comp.   di Giesu.   In Venetia, MDCXXII, Appresso Antonio Pinelli.   Con Licenza de' Superiori.   My critic hazards a guess that the book may be a later edition of Torsellino (Tursellinus), but here again he is wrong.   It is entirely a different book, giving in its preface a list of sources comprising eleven authorities besides Torsellino.

[294] The writer in the Catholic World, already referred to, has based an attack here upon a misconception - I will not call it a deliberate misrepresentation - of his own by stating that these resurrections occurred after Xavier's death, and were due to his intercession or the use of his relics.   The statement of the Jesuit father is utterly without foundation, as a simple reference to Bouhours will show.   I take the liberty of commending to his attention The Life of St. Francis Xavier, by Father Dominic Bouhours, translated by James Dryden, Dublin, 1838.   For examples of raising the dead by the saint DURING HIS LIFETIME, see pp. 69, 82, 93, 111, 218, 307, 316, 321 - fourteen cases in all.

[295] For the evolution of the miracles of Xavier, see his Letters, with Life, published by Leon Pages, Paris, 1855; also Maffei, Historiarum Indicarum libri xvi, Venice, 1589; also the lives by Tursellinus, various editions, beginning with that of 1594; Vitelleschi, 1622; Bouhours, 1683; Massei, second edition, 1682 (Rome), and others; Bartoli, Baltimore, 1868; Coleridge, 1872.   In addition to these, I have compared, for a more extended discussion of this subject hereafter, a very great number of editions of these and other biographies of the saint, with speeches at the canonization, the bull of Gregory XV, various books of devotion, and a multitude of special writings, some of them in manuscript, upon the glories of the saint, including a large mass of material at the Royal Library in Munich and in the British Museum.   I have relied entirely upon Catholic authors, and have not thought it worth while to consult any Protestant author.   The illustration of the miracle of the crucifix and the crab in its final form is given in La Devotion de Dix Vendredis a l'Honneur de St. Francois Xavier, Bruxelles, 1699, Fig.   24: the pious crab is represented as presenting the crucifix by which a journey of forty leagues he has brought from the depths of the ocean to Xavier, who walks upon the shore.   The book is in the Cornell University Library.   For the letter of King John to Barreto, see Leon Pages's Lettres de Francois Xavier, Paris, 1855, vol. ii, p. 465.   For the miracle among the Badages, compare Tursellinus, lib. ii, C. x, p. 16, with Bouhours, Dryden's translation, pp. 146, 147.   For the miracle of the gift of tongues, in its higher development, see Bouhours, p. 235, and Coleridge, vo.   i, pp. 151, 154, and vol. ii, p. 551

[296] Instances can be given of the same evolution of miraculous legend in our own time.   To say nothing of the sacred fountain at La Salette, which preserves its healing powers in spite of the fact that the miracle that gave rise to them has twice been pronounced fraudulent by the French courts, and to pass without notice a multitude of others, not only in Catholic but in Protestant countries, the present writer may allude to one which in the year 1893 came under his own observation.   On arriving in St.   Petersburg to begin an official residence there, his attention was arrested by various portraits of a priest of the Russo-Greek Church; they were displayed in shop windows and held an honoured place in many private dwellings.   These portraits ranged from lifelike photographs, which showed a plain, shrewd, kindly face, to those which were idealized until they bore a strong resemblance to the conventional representations of Jesus of Nazareth.   On making inquiries, the writer found that these portraits represented Father Ivan, of Cronstadt, a priest noted for his good works, and very widely believed to be endowed with the power of working miracles.

[297] For the story of travellers converted into domestic animals, see St. Augustine, De Civ. Dei, liber xviii, chaps. xvii, xviii, in Migne, tom.   xli, p.574.   For Gregory of Nazianen and the similarity of these Christian cures in general character to those wrought in the temples of Aesculapius, see Sprengel, vol.   ii, pp. 145, 146.   For the miracles wrought at the shrine of St.   Edmund, see Samsonis Abbatis Opus de Miraculis Sancti Aedmundi, in the Master of the Rolls' series, passim, but especially chaps.   xiv and xix for miracles of healing wrought on those who drank out of the saint's cup.   For the mighty works of St.   Dunstan, see the Mirac.   Sancti Dunstani, auctore Eadmero and auctore Osberno, in the Master of the Rolls' series.   As to Becket, see the Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, in the same series, and especially the lists of miracles - the mere index of them in the first volume requires thirteen octavo pages. For St. Martin of Tours, see the Guizot collection of French Chronicles.   For miracle and shrine cures chronicled by Bede, see his Ecclesiastical History, passim, but especially from page 110 to page 267.   For similarity between the ancient custom of allowing invalids to sleep in the temples of Serapis and the mediaeval custom of having them sleep in the church of St. Anthony of Padua and other churches, see Meyer, Aberglaube des Mittelalters, Basel, 1884, chap. iv.   For the effect of "the vivid belief in supernatural action which attaches itself to the tombs of the saints," etc., as "a psychic agent of great value," see Littre, Medecine et Medecins, p. 131.   For the Jansenist miracles at Paris, see La Verite des Miracles operes par l'Intercession de M. de Paris, par Montgeron, Utrecht, 1737, and especially the cases of Mary Anne Couronneau, Philippe Sargent, and Gautier de Pezenas.   For some very thoughtful remarks as to the worthlessness of the testimony to miracles presented during the canonization proceedings at Rome, see Maury, Legendes Pieuses, pp. 4-7.

[298] For the citation in the text, as well as for a brief but remarkably valuable discussion of the power of the mind over the body in disease, see Dr. Berdoe's Medical View of the Miracles at Lourdes, in The Nineteenth Century for October, 1895.

[299] For the mysticism which gradually enveloped the School of Alexandria, see Barthelemy Saint-Hilaire, De l'Ecole d'Alexandrie, Paris, 1845, vol. vi, p. 161.   For the effect of the new doctrines on the Empire of the East, see Sprengel, vol. ii, p. 240.   As to the more common miracles of healing and the acknowledgment of non-Christian miracles of healing by Christian fathers, see Fort, p. 84.

[300] For Chaldean, Egyptian, and Persian ideas as to the diabolic origin of disease, see authorities already cited, especially Maspero and Sayce.   For Origen, see the Contra Celsum, lib.   viii, chap. xxxi.   For Augustine, see De Divinatione Daemonum, chap. iii (p.585 of Migne, vol. xl).   For Turtullian and Gregory of Nazianzus, see citations in Sprengel and in Fort, p.   6.   For St. Nilus, see his life, in the Bollandise Acta Sanctorum.   For Gregory of Tours, see his Historia Francorum, lib.   v, cap. 6, and his De Mirac.   S. Martini, lib. ii, cap. 60. I owe these citations to Mr. Lea (History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, vol. iii, p. 410, note).   For the letter of St. Bernard to the monks of St. Anastasius, see his Epistola in Migne, tom.   182, pp. 550, 551.   For the canon law, see under De Consecratione, dist.   v, C. xxi, "Contraria sunt divinae cognitioni praecepta medicinae: a jejunio revocant, lucubrare non sinunt, ab omni intentione meditiationis abducunt." For the turning of the Greek mythology into a demonology as largely due to St. Paul, see I Corinthians x, 20: "The things which the Gentiles sacrifice, they sacrifice to devils, and not to God."

[301] See Fort's Medical Economy during the Middle Ages, pp. 211- 213; also the Handbooks of Murray and Baedeker for North Germany, and various histories of medicine passim; also Collin de Plancy and scores of others.   For the discovery that the relics of St. Rosaria at Palermo are simply the bones of a goat, see Gordon, Life of Buckland, pp. 94-96.   For an account of the Agnes Dei, see Rydberg, pp. 62, 63; and for "Conception Billets," pp. 64 and 65.   For Leo X's tickets, see Hausser (professor at Heidelberg), Period of Reformation, English translation, p. 17.

[302] As to religious scruples against dissection, and abhorrence of the Paraschites, or embalmer, see Maspero and Sayce, The Dawn of Civilization, p. 216.   For denunciation of surgery by the Church authorities, see Sprengel, vol. ii, pp. 432-435; also Fort, pp. 452 et seq.; and for the reasoning which led the Church to forbid surgery to priests, see especially Fredault, Histoire de la Medecine, p. 200.   As to the decretal of Boniface VIII, the usual statement is that he forbade all dissections.   While it was undoubtedly construed universally to prohibit dissections for anatomical purposes, its declared intent was as stated in the text; that it was constantly construed against anatomical investigations can not for a moment be denied.   This construction is taken for granted in the great Histoire Litteraire de la France, founded by the Benedictines, certainly a very high authority as to the main current of opinion in the Church.   For the decretal of Boniface VIII, see the Corpus Juris Canonici.   I have also used the edition of Paris, 1618, where it may be found on pp. 866, 867.   See also, in spite of the special pleading of Giraldi, the Benedictine Hist. Lit.   de la France, tome xvi, p. 98.

[303] For the great services rendered to the development of medicine by the Jews, see Monteil, Medecine en France, p. 58; also the historians of medicine generally.   For the quotation from Almamon, see Gibbon, vol. x, p. 42.   For the services of both Jews and Arabians, see Bedarride, Histoire des Juifs, p. 115; also Sismondi, Histoire des Francais, tome i, p. 191.   For the Arabians, especially, see Rosseeuw Saint-Hilaire, Histoire d'Espagne, Paris, 1844, vol. iii, pp. 191 et seq.   For the tendency of the Mosaic books to insist on hygienic rather than therapeutical treatment, and its consequences among Jewish physicians, see Sprengel, but especially Fredault, p.14.

[304] For the progress of sciences subsidiary to medicine even in the darkest ages, see Fort, pp. 374, 375; also Isensee, Geschichte der Medicin, pp. 225 et seq.; also Monteil, p. 89; Heller, Geschichte der Physik, vol. i, bk.   3; also Kopp, Geschichte der Chemie.   For Frederick II and his Medicinal-Gesetz, see Baas, p. 221, but especially Von Raumer, Geschichte der Hohenstaufen, Leipsic, 1872, vol. iii, p. 259.

[305] For statements as to these decrees of the highest Church and monastic authorities against medicine and surgery, see Sprengel, Baas, Geschichte der Medicin, p. 204, and elsewhere; also Buckle, Posthumous Works, vol. ii, p. 567.   For a long list of Church dignitaries who practised a semi-theological medicine in the Middle Ages, see Baas, pp. 204, 205.   For Bertharius, Hildegard, and others mentioned, see also Sprengel and other historians of medicine.   For clandestine study and practice of medicine by sundry ecclesiastics in spite of the prohibition by the Church, see Von Raumer, Hohenstaufen, vol. vi, p. 438.   For some remarks on this subject by an eminent and learned ecclesiastic, see Ricker, O.   S. B., professor in the University of Vienna, Pastoral-Psychiatrie, 1894, pp. 12,13.

[306] "Ubi sunt tres medici ibi sunt duo athei." For the bull of Pius V, see the Bullarium Romanum, ed.   Gaude, Naples, 1882, tom. vii, pp. 430, 431.

[307] For Averroes, see Renan, Averroes et l'Averroisme, Paris, 1861, pp. 327-335.   For a perfectly just statement of the only circumstances which can justify a charge of atheism, see Rev. Dr. Deems, in Popular Science Monthly, February, 1876.

[308] For a summary of the superstitions which arose under the theological doctrine of signatures, see Dr. Eccles's admirable little tract on the Evolution of Medical Science, p. 140; see also Scoffern, Science and Folk Lore, p. 76.

[309] For a list of unmentionable ordures used in Germany near the end of the seventeenth century, see Lammert, Volksmedizin und medizinischer Aberglaube in Bayern, Wurzburg, 1869, p. 34, note. For the English prescription given, see Cockayne, Leechdoms, Wort-cunning, and Star-craft of Early England, in the Master of the Rolls' series, London, 1865, vol. ii, pp. 345 and following. Still another of these prescriptions given by Cockayne covers three or four octavo pages.   For very full details of this sort of sacred pseudo-science in Germany, with accounts of survivals of it at the present time, see Wuttke, Prof. der Theologie in Halle, Der Deutsche Volksaberglaube der Gegenwart, Berlin, 1869, passim.   For France, see Rambaud, Histoire de la Civilisation francaise, pp. 371 et seq.

[310] On the low estate of surgery during the Middle Ages, see the histories of medicine already cited, and especially Kotelmann, Gesundheitspflege im Mittelalter, Hamburg, 1890, pp. 216 et seq.

[311] See Baas, p. 614; aslo Biedermann.

[312] For the efficacy of flowers, see the Bollandist Lives of the Saints, cited in Fort, p. 279; also pp. 457, 458.   For the story of those unwillingly cured, see the Exempla of Jacques de Vitry, edited by Prof. T. F. Crane, of Cornell University, London, 1890, pp. 52, 182.

[313] As to the use of saliva in medicine, see Story, Castle of St.   Angelo, and Other Essays, London, 1877, pp. 208 and elsewhere.   For Pliny, Galen, and others, see the same, p. 211; see also the book of Tobit, chap. xi, 2-13.   For the case of Vespasian, see Suetonius, Life of Vespasian; also Tacitus, Historiae, lib. iv, C. 81.   For its use by St. Francis Xavier, see Coleridge, Life and Letters of St. Francis Xavier, London, 1872.

[314] For one of these lists of saints curing diseaes, see Pettigrew, On Superstitions connected with Medicine; for another, see Jacob, Superstitions Populaires, pp. 96-100; also Rydberg, p. 69; also Maury, Rambaud, and others.   For a comparison of fashions in miracles with fashions in modern healing agents, see Littre, Medecine et Medecins, pp. 118, 136 and elsewhere; also Sprengel, vol. ii, p. 143.

[315] For sacred fountains in modern times, see Pettigrew, as above, p. 42; also Dalyell, Darker Superstitions of Scotland, pp. 82 and following; also Montalembert, Les Moines d'Occident, tome iii, p. 323, note.   For those in Ireland, with many curious details, see S. C. Hall, Ireland, its Scenery and Character, London, 1841, vol. i, p. 282, and passim.   For the case in Flintshire, see Authentic Documents relative to the Miraculous Cure of Winifred White, of the Town of Wolverhampton, at Holywell, Flintshire, on the 28th of June, 1805, by John Milner, D.   D., Vicar Apostolic, etc., London, 1805.   For sacred wells in France, see Chevart, Histoire de Chartres, vol. i, pp. 84-89, and French local histories generally.   For superstitions attaching to springs in Germany, see Wuttke, Volksaberglaube, Sections 12 and 356.   For one of the most exquisitely wrought works of modern fiction, showing perfectly the recent evolution of miraculous powers at a fashionable spring in France, see Gustave Droz, Autour d'une Source.   The reference to the old pious machinery at Trondhjem is based upon personal observation by the present writer in August, 1893.

[316] For the general subject of the influence of theological idea upon medicine, see Fort, History of Medical Economy during the Middle Ages, New York, 1883, chaps.   xiii and xviii; also Colin de Plancy, Dictionnaire des Reliques, passim; also Rambaud, Histoire de la Civilisation francaise, Paris, 1885, vol. i, chap. xviii; also Sprengel, vol. ii, p. 345, and elsewhere; also Baas and others.   For proofs that the School of Salerno was not founded by the monks, Benedictine or other, but by laymen, who left out a faculty of theology from their organization, see Haeser, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medicin, vol. i, p. 646; also Baas.   For a very strong statement that married professors, women, and Jews were admitted to professional chairs, see Baas, pp.   208 et seq.; also summary by Dr. Payne, article in the Encyc. Brit.   Sprengel's old theory that the school was founded by Benedictines seems now entirely given up; see Haeser and Bass on the subject; also Daremberg, La Medecine, p. 133.   For the citation from Gregory of Tours, see his Hist. Francorum, lib. vi. For the eminence of Jewish physicians and proscription of them, see Beugnot, Les Juifs d'Occident, Paris, 1824, pp. 76-94; also Bedarride, Les Juifs en France, en Italie, et en Espagne, chaps. v, viii, x, and xiii; also Renouard, Histoire de la Medecine, Paris, 1846, tome i, p. 439; also especially Lammert, Volksmedizin, etc., in Bayern, p. 6, note.   For Church decrees against them, see the Acta Conciliorum, ed.   Hardouin, vol. x, pp. 1634, 1700, 1870, 1873, etc.   For denunciations of them by Geiler and others, see Kotelmann, Gesundheitspflege im Mittelalter, pp. 194, 195.   For a list of kings and popes who persisted in having Jewish physicians and for other curious information of the sort, see Prof. Levi of Vercelli, Cristiani ed Ebrei nel Medio Evo, pp. 200-207; and for a very valuable summary, see Lecky, History of Rationalism in Europe, vol. ii, pp. 265-271.

[317] For Luther's belief and his answer to Carlstadt, see his Table Talk, especially in Hazlitt's edition, pp. 250-257; also his letters passim.   For recent "faith cures," see Dr. Buckley's articles on Faith Healing and Kindred Phenomena, in The Century, 1886.   For the greater readiness of Protestant cities to facilitate dissections, see Toth, Andreas Vesalius, p. 33.

[318] For the royal touch, see Becket, Free and Impartial Inquiry into the Antiquity and Efficacy of Touching for the King's Evil, 1772, cited in Pettigrew, p. 128, and elsewhere; also Scoffern, Science and Folk Lore, London, 1870, pp. 413 and following; also Adams, The Healing Art, London, 1887, vol. i, pp. 53-60; and especially Lecky, History of European Morals, vol. i, chapter on The Conversion of Rome; also his History of England in the Eighteenth Century, vol. i, chap. i.   For curious details regarding the mode of conducting the ceremony, see Evelyn's Diary; also Lecky, as above.   For the royal touch in France, and for a claim to its possession in feudal times by certain noble families, see Rambaud, Hist. de la Civ. francaise, p. 375.

[319] For the promotion of medical science and practice, especially in the thirteenth century, by the universities, see Baas, pp. 222-224.

[320] For permissions to dissect the human subject, given here and there during the Middle Ages, see Roth's Andreas Vesalius, Berlin, 1892, pp. 3, 13 et seq.   For religious antipathies as a factor in the persecution of Vesalius, see the biographies by Boerhaave and Albinos, 1725; Burggraeve's Etudes, 1841; also Haeser, Kingsley, and the latest and most thorough of all, Roth, as above.   Even Goethals, despite the timidity natural to a city librarian in a town like Brussels, in which clerical power is strong and relentless, feels obliged to confess that there was a certain admixture of religious hatred in the treatment of Vesalius.   See his Notice Biographique sur Andre Vesale.   For the resurrection bones, see Roth, as above, pp. 154, 155, and notes. For Vesalius, see especially Portal, Hist. de l'Anatomie et de la Chirurgie, Paris, 1770, tome i, p. 407.   For neglect of dissection and opposition to Harvey's discovery in Spain, see Townsend's Travels, edition of 1792, cited in Buckle, History of Civilization in England, vol. ii, pp. 74, 75.   Also Henry Morley, in his Clement Marot, and Other Essays.   For Bernouilli and his trouble with the theologians, see Wolf, Biographien zur Culturgeschichte der Schweiz, vol. ii, p. 95.   How different Mundinus's practice of dissection was from that of Vesalius may be seen by Cuvier's careful statement that the entire number of dissections by the former was three; the usual statement is that there were but two.   See Cuvier, Hist. des Sci.   Nat., tome ii, p. 7; also Sprengel, Fredault, Hallam, and Littre.   Also Whewell, Hist.   of the Inductive Sciences, vol. iii, p. 328; also, for a very full statement regarding the agency of Mundinus in the progress of Anatomy, see Portal, vol. i, pp. 209-216.

[321] As to the supposed change in the number of teeth, see the Gesta Philippi Augusti Francorum Regis, . . . descripta a magistro Rigardo, 1219, edited by Father Francois Duchesne, in Histories Francorum Scriptores, tom.   v, Paris, 1649, p. 24.   For representations of Adam created by the Almighty out of a pile of dust, and of Eve created from a rib of Adam, see the earlier illustrations in the Nuremberg Chronicle.   As to the relation of anatomy to theology as regards to Adam's rib, see Roth, pp. 154, 155.

[322] The original painting of Vesalius at work in his cell, by Hamann, is now at Cornell University.

[323] For a curious example of weapons drawn from Galen and used against Vesalius, see Lewes, Life of Goethe, p. 343, note.   For proofs that I have not overestimated Vesalius, see Portal, ubi supra.   Portal speaks of him as "le genie le plus droit qu'eut l'Europe"; and again, "Vesale me parait un des plus grands hommes qui ait existe." For the charge that anatomists dissected living men - against men of science before Vesalius's time - see Littre's chapter on Anatomy.   For the increased liberty given anatomy by the Reformation, see Roth's Vesalius, p. 33.

[324] For the general subject, see Sprengel, Histoire de la Medecine, vol. vi, pp. 39-80.   For the opposition of the Paris faculty of Theology to inoculation, see the Journal de Barbier, vol.   vi, p. 294; also the Correspondance de Grimm et Diderot, vol.   iii, pp. 259 et seq.   For bitter denunciations of inoculation by the English clergy, and for the noble stand against them by Madox, see Baron, Life of Jenner, vol. i, pp. 231, 232, and vol. ii, pp. 39, 40.   For the strenuous opposition of the same clergy, see Weld, History of the Royal Society, vol. i, p. 464, note; also, for its comical side, see Nichol's Literary Illustrations, vol.   v, p. 800.   For the same matter in Scotland, see Lecky's History of the Eighteenth Century, vol. ii, p. 83.   For New England, see Green, History of Medicine in Massachusetts, Boston, 1881, pp. 58 et seq; also chapter x of the Memorial History of Boston, by the same author and O.   W. Holmes.   For a letter of Dr. Franklin's, see Massachusetts Historical Collections, second series, vol. vii, p. 17.   Several most curious publications issued during the heat of the inoculation controversy have been kindly placed in my hands by the librarians of Harvard College and of the Massachusetts Historical Society, among them A Reply to Increase Mather, by John Williams, Boston, printed by J. Franklin, 1721, from which the above scriptural arguments are cited.   For the terrible virulence of the smallpox in New England up to the introduction of the inoculation, see McMaster, History of the People of the United States, first edition, vol. i, p. 30.

[325] For the opposition of concientious men to vaccination in England, see Baron, Life of Jenner, as above; also vol. ii, p. 43; also Dun's Life of Simpson, London, 1873, pp. 248, 249; also Works of Sir J. Y.   Simpson, vol. ii.   For a multitude of statistics ahowing the diminution of smallpox after the introduction of vaccination, see Russell, p. 380.   For the striking record in London for 1890, see an article in the Edinburgh review for January, 1891.   The general statement referred to was made in a speech some years since by Sir Spencer Wells.   For recent scattered cases of feeble opposition to vaccination by Protestant ministers, see William White, The Great Delusion, London, 1885, passim.   For opposition of the Roman Catholic clergy and peasantry in Canada to vaccination during the smallpox plague of 1885, see the English, Canadian, and American newspapers, but especially the very temperate and accurate correspondence in the New York Evening Post during September and October of that year.

[326] For the opposition of the South American Church authorities to the introduction of coca, etc., see Martindale, Coca, Cocaine, and its Salts, London, 1886, p. 7.   As to theological and sectarian resistance to quinine, see Russell, pp. 194, 253; also Eccles; also Meryon, History of Medicine, London, 1861, vol. i, p.   74, note.   For the great decrease in deaths by fever after the use of Peruvian bark began, see statistical tables given in Russell, p. 252; and for Hoffmann's attempt at compromise, ibid., p.   294.

[327] For the case of Eufame Macalyane, se Dalyell, Darker Superstitions of Scotland, pp. 130, 133.   For the contest of Simpson with Scotch ecclesiatical authorities, see Duns, Life of Sir J. Y.   Simpson, London, 1873, pp. 215-222, and 256-260.

[328] For the rescue of medical education from the control of theology, especially in France, see Rambaud, La Civilisation Contemporaine en France, pp. 682, 683.   For miraculous cures wrought by imagination, see Tuke, Influence of Mind on Body, vol. ii.   For opposition to the scientific study of hypnotism, see Hypnotismus und Wunder: ein Vortrag, mit Weiterungen, von Max Steigenberger, Domprediger, Augsburg, 1888, reviewed in Science, Feb.   15, 1889, p. 127.   For a recent statement regarding the development of studies in hypnotism, see Liegeois, De la Suggestion et du Somnambulisme dans leurs rapports avec la Jurisprudence, Paris, 1889, chap. ii.   As to joy in believing and exaggerating marvels, see in the London Graphic for January 2, 1892, an account of Hindu jugglers by "Professor" Hofmann, himself an expert conjurer.   He shows that the Hindu performances have been grossly and persistently exaggerated in the accounts of travellers; that they are easily seen through, and greatly inferior to the jugglers' tricks seen every day in European capitals.   The eminent Prof. De Gubernatis, who also had witnessed the Hindu performances, assured the present writer that the current accounts of them were monstrously exaggerated.   As to the miraculous in general, the famous Essay of Hume holds a most important place in the older literature of the subject; but, for perhaps the most remarkable of all discussions of it, see Conyers Middleton, D. D., A Free Inquiry into the Miraculous Powers which are supposed to have subsisted in the Christian Church, London, 1749.   For probably the most judicially fair discussion, see Lecky, History of European Morals, vol. i, chap. iii; also his Rationalism in Europe, vol. i, chaps.   i and ii; and for perhaps the boldest and most suggestive of recent statements, see Max Muller, Physical Religion, being the Gifford Lectures before the University of Glasgow for 1890, London, 1891, lecture xiv.   See also, for very cogent statements and arguments, Matthew Arnold's Literature and Dogma, especially chap. v, and, for a recent utterance of great clearness and force, Prof. Osler's Address before the Johns Hopkins University, given in Science for March 27, 1891.

[329] For plague during the Peloponnesian war, see Thucydides, vol.   ii, pp.47-55, and vol. iii, p. 87.   For a general statement regarding this and other plagues in ancient times, see Lucretius, vol.   vi, pp. 1090 et seq.; and for a translation, see vol. i, p. 179, in Munro's edition of 1886.   For early views of sanitary science in Greece and Rome, see Forster's Inquiry, in The Pamphleteer, vol. xxiv, p. 404.   For the Greek view of the interference of the gods in disease, especially in pestilence, see Grote's History of Greece, vol. i, pp. 251, 485, and vol. vi, p.   213; see also Herodotus, lib. iii, C. xxxviii, and elsewhere. For the Hebrew view of the same interference by the Almighty, see especially Numbers xi, 4-34; also xvi, 49; I Samuel xxiv; also Psalm cvi, 29; also the well-known texts in Zechariah and Revelation.   For St. Paul's declaration that the gods of the heathen are devils, see I Cor.   x, 20.   As to the earlier origin of the plague in Egypt, see Haeser, 'Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medicin und der epidemischen Krankheiten, Jena, 1875-'82, vol. iii, pp. 15 et seq.

[330] For triumphant mention of St. Hilarion's filth, see the Roman Breviary for October 21st; and for details, see S. Hieronymus, Vita S. Hilarionis Eremitae, in Migne, Patrologia, vol.   xxiii.   For Athanasius's reference to St. Anthony's filth, see works of St. Athanasius in the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, second series, vol. iv, p. 209.   For the filthiness of the other saints named, see citations from the Lives of the Saints, in Lecky's History of European Morals, vol. ii, pp. 117, 118.   For Guy de Chauliac's observation on the filthiness of Carmelite monks and their great losses by pestilence, see Meryon, History of Medicine, vol. i, p. 257.   For the mortality among the Carthusian monks in time of plague, see Mrs. Lecky's very interesting Visit to the Grand Chartreuse, in The Nineteenth Century for March, 1891.   For the plague at Rome in 590, the legend regarding the fiery darts, mentioned by Pope Gregory himself, and that of the castle of St. Angelo, see Gregorovius, Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, vol. ii, pp. 26-35; also Story, Castle of St. Angelo, etc., chap. ii.   For the remark that "pestilences are the harvest of the ministers of God," see reference to Charlevoix, in Southey, History of Brazil, vol. ii, p.   254, cited in Buckle, vol. i, p. 130, note.

[331] For an early conception in India of the Divinity acting through medicine, see The Bhagavadgita, translated by Telang, p. 82, in Max Muller's Sacred Books of the East.   For the necessity of religious means of securing knowledge of medicine, see the Anugita, translated by Telang, in Max Muller's Sacred Books of the East, p. 388.   For ancient Persian ideas of sickness as sent by the spirit of evil and to be cured by spells, but not excluding medicine and surgery, and for sickness generally as caused by the evil principle in demons, see the Zend-Avesta, Darmesteter's translation, introduction, passim, but especially p.   xciii.   For diseases wrought by witchcraft, see the same, pp. 230, 293.   On the preferences of spells in healing over medicine and surgery, see Zend-Avesta, vol. i, pp. 85, 86.   For healing by magic in ancient Greece, see, E. g., the cure of Ulysses in the Odyssey, "They stopped the black blood by a spell" (Odyssey, xxix, 457).   For medicine in Egypt as partly priestly and partly in the hands of physicians, see Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. ii, p.   136, note.   For ideas of curing of disease by expulsion of demons still surviving among various tribes and nations of Asia, see J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough: a Study of Comparative Religion, London, 1890, pp. 184-192.   For the Flagellants and their processions at the time of the Black Death, see Lea, History of the Inquisition, New York, 1888, vol. ii, pp. 381 et seq.   For the persecution of the Jews in time of pestilence, see ibid., p. 379 and following, with authorities in the notes.   For the expulsion of the Jews from Padua, see the Acta Sanctorum, September, tom.   viii, p. 893.

[332] On the plagues generally, see Hecker, Epidemics of the Middle Ages, passim; but especially Haeser, as above, III.   Band, pp.   1-202; also Sprengel, Baas, Isensee, et al.   For brief statement showing the enormous loss of life in these plagues, see Littre, Medecine et Medecins, Paris, 1875, pp. 3 et seq.   For a summary of the effects of the Black Plague throughout England, see Green's Short History of the English People, chap. v.   For the mortality in the Paris hospitals, see Desmazes, Supplices, Prisons et Graces en France, Paris 1866.   For striking descriptions of plague-stricken cities, see the well-known passages in Thucydides, Boccaccio, De Foe, and, above all, Manzoni's Promessi Sposi.   For examples of averting the plagues by processions, see Leopold Delisle, Etudes sur la Condition de la Classe Agricole, etc., en Normandie au Moyen Age, p. 630; also Fort, chap. xxiii.   For the anger of St. Sebastian as a cause of the plague at Rome, and its cessation when a monument had been erected to him, see Paulus Diaconus, cited in Gregorovius, vol. ii.   p. 165.   For the sacrifice of an ox in the Colosseum to the ancient gods as a means of averting the plague of 1522, at Rome, see Gregorovius, vol. viii, p. 390.   As to massacres of the Jews in order to avert the wrath of God in pestilence, see L'Ecole et la Science, Paris, 1887, p. 178; also Hecker, and especially Hoeniger, Gang und Verbreitung des Schwarzen Todes in Deutschalnd, Berlin, 1889.   For a long list of towns in which burnings of Jews took place for this imaginary cause, see pp. 7-11.   As to absolute want of sanitary precautions, see Hecker, p.   292.   As to condemnation by strong religionists of medical means in the plague, see Fort, p. 130.   For a detailed account of the action of Popes Eugene IV, Innocent VIII, and other popes, against witchcraft, ascribing to it storms and diseases, and for the bull Summis Desiderantes, see the chapters on Meteorology and Magic in this series.   The text of the bull is given in the Malleus Maleficarum, in Binsfield, and in Roskoff, Geschichte des Teufels, Leipzig, 1869, vol. i, pp. 222-225, and a good summary and analysis of it in Soldan, Geschichte der Hexenprocesse.   For a concise and admirable statement of the contents and effects of the bull, see Lea, History of the Inquisition, vol. iii, pp. 40 et seq.; and for the best statement known to me of the general subject, Prof. George L.   Burr's paper on The Literature of Witchcraft, read before the American Historical Association at Washington, 1890.

[333] As to the fearful effects of the papal bull Summis Desiderantes in south Germany, as to the Protestant severities in north Germany, as to the immense number of women and children put to death for witchcraft in Germany generally for spreading storms and pestilence, and as to the monstrous doctrine of "excepted cases," see the standard authorities on witchcraft, especially Wachter, Beitrage zur Geschichte des Strafrechts, Soldan, Horst, Hauber, and Langin; also Burr, as above.   In another series of chapters on The Warfare of Humanity with Theology, I hope to go more fully into the subject.   For the magic spreading of the plague at Milan, see Manzoni, I Promessi Sposi and La Colonna Infame; and for the origin of the charges, with all the details of the trail, see the Precesso Originale degli Untori, Milan, 1839, passim, but especially the large folding plate at the end, exhibiting the tortures.   For the after-history of the Column of Infamy, and for the placing of Beccaria's book on the Index, see Cantu, Vita di Beccaria.   For the magic spreading of the plague in general, see Littre, pp. 492 and following.

[334] As to the recourse to fetichism in Italy in time of plague, and the pictures showing the intercession of Januarius and other saints, I have relied on my own notes made at various visits to Naples.   For the general subject, see Peter, Etudes Napolitaines, especially chapters v and vi.   For detailed accounts of the liquefaction of St. Januarius's blood by eye-witnesses, one an eminent Catholic of the seventeenth century, and the other a distinguished Protestant of our own time, see Murray's Handbook for South Italy and Naples, description of the Cathedral of San Gennaro.   For an interesting series of articles on the subject, see The Catholic World for September, October, and November, 1871.   For the incredible filthiness of the great cities of Spain, and the resistance of the people, down to a recent period, to the most ordinary regulations prompted by decency, see Bascome, History of the Epidemic Pestilences, especially pp. 119, 120.   See also the Autobiography of D'Ewes, London, 1845, vol. ii, p. 446; also, for various citations, the second volume of Buckle, History of Civilization in England.

[335] For Erasmus, see the letter cited in Bascome, History of Epidemic Pestilences, London, 1851.   For the account of the condition of Queen Elizabeth's presence chamber, see the same, p. 206; see also the same for attempts at sanitation by Caius, Mead, Pringle, and others; also see Baas and various medical authorities.   For the plague in London, see Green's History of the English People, chap. ix, sec.   2; and for a more detailed account, see Lingard, History of England, enlarged edition of 1849, vol. ix, pp. 107 et seq.   For full scientific discussion of this and other plagues from a medical point of view, see Creighton, History of Epidemics in Great Britain, vol. ii, chap. i.   For the London plague as a punishment for Sabbath-breaking, see A Divine Tragedie lately acted, or A collection of sundry memorable examples of God's judgements upon Sabbath Breakers and other like libertines, etc., by the worthy divine, Mr. Henry Burton, 1641.   The book gives fifty-six accounts of Sabbath- breakers sorely punished, generally struck dead, in England, with places, names, and dates.   For a general account of the condition of London in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the diminution of the plague by the rebuilding of some parts of the city after the great fire, see Lecky, History of England in the Eighteenth Century, vol. i, pp. 592, 593.   For the jail fever, see Lecky, vol. i, pp. 500-503.

[336] For the passages from Cotton Mather, see his book as cited, pp.   17, 18, also 134, 145.   Johnson declares that "by this meanes Christ . . . not only made roome for His people to plant, but also tamed the hard and cruell hearts of these barbarous Indians, insomuch that a halfe a handful of His people landing not long after in Plymouth Plantation, found little resistance." See The History of New England, by Edward Johnson, London, 1654. Reprinted in the Massachusetts Historical Society's Collection, second series, vol. i, p. 67.

[337] For the plague at Marseilles and its depopulation, see Henri Martin, Histoire de France, vol. xv, especially document cited in appendix; also Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap. xliii; also Rambaud.   For the resort to witch doctors in Austria against pestilence, down to the end of the eighteenth century, see Biedermann, Deutschland im Achtzehnten Jahrhundert.   For the resort to St. Sebastian, see the widespread editions of the Vita et Gesta Sancti Sebastiani, contra pestem patroni, prefaced with commendations from bishops and other high ecclesiastics.   The edition in the Cornell University Library is that of Augsburg, 1693.   For the reign of filth and pestilence in Scotland, see Charles Rogers, D. D., Social Life in Scotland, Edinburgh, 1884, vol.   i, pp. 305-316; see also Buckle's second volume.

[338] For Boyle's attempt at compromise, see Discourse on the Air, in his works, vol. iv, pp. 288, 289, cited by Buckle, vol. i, pp. 128, 129, note.

[339] For the charge of poisoning water and producing pestilence among the Greeks, see Grote, History of Greece, vol. vi, p. 213. For a similar charge against the Jews in the Middle Ages, see various histories already cited; and for the great popular prejudice against water-carriers at Paris in recent times, see the larger recent French histories.

[340] On the improvement in sanitation in London and elsewhere in the north of Europe, see the editorial and Report of the Conference on Sanitation at Brighton, given in the London Times of August 27, 1888.   For the best authorities on the general subject in England, see Sir John Simon on English Sanitary Institutions, 1890; also his published Health Reports for 1887, cited in the Edinburgh Review for January, 1891.   See also Parkes's Hygiene, passim.   For the great increase in the mean length of life in France under better hygienic conditions, see Rambaud, La Civilisation contemporaine en France, p. 682.   For the approach to depopulation at Memphis, under the cesspool system in 1878, see Parkes, Hygiene, American appendix, p. 397. For the facts brought out in the investigation of the department of the city of New York by the Committee of the State Senate, of which the present writer was a member, see New York Senate Documents for 1865.   For decrease of death rate in New York city under the new Board of Health, beginning in 1866, and especially among children, see Buck, Hygiene and Popular Health, New York, 1879, vol. ii, p. 573; and for wise remarks on religious duties during pestilence, see ibid., vol. ii, p. 579.   For a contrast between the old and new ideas regarding pestilences, see Charles Kingsley in Fraser's Magazine, vol. lviii, p. 134; also the sermon of Dr. Burns, in 1875, at the Cathedral of Glasgow before the Social Science Congress.   For a particularly bright and valuable statement of the triumphs of modern sanitation, see Mrs. Plunkett's article in The Popular Science Monthly for June, 1891. For the reply of Lord Palmerston to the Scotch clergy, see the well-known passage in Buckle.   For the order of the Emperor William, see various newspapers for September, 1892, and especially Public Opinion for September 24th.

[341] On the general attribution of disease to demoniacal influence, see Sprenger, History of Medicine, passim (note, for a later attitude, vol. ii, pp. 150-170, 178); Calmeil, De la Folie, Paris, 1845, vol. i, pp. 104, 105; Esquirol, Des Maladies Mentales, Paris, 1838, vol. i, p. 482; also Tylor, Primitive Culture.   For a very plain and honest statement of this view in our own sacred books, see Oort, Hooykaas, and Kuenen, The Bible for Young People, English translation, chap. v, p. 167 and following; also Farrar's Life of Christ, chap. xvii.   For this idea in Greece and elsewhere, see Maury, La Magie, etc., vol. iii, p. 276, giving, among other citations, one from book v of the Odyssey.   On the influence of Platonism, see Esquirol and others, as above - the main passage cited is from the Phaedo.   For the devotion of the early fathers and doctors to this idea, see citations from Eusebius, Lactantius, St. Jerome, St. Augustine, St.   John Chrysostom, St. Gregory Nazianzen, in Tissot, L'Imagination, p. 369; also Jacob (i.e., Paul Lecroix), Croyances Populaires, p. 183.   For St. Augustine, see also his De Civitate Dei, lib. xxii, chap. vii, and his Enarration in Psal., cxxxv, 1. For the breaking away of the religious orders in Italy from the entire supremacy of this idea, see Becavin, L'Ecole de Salerne, Paris, 1888; also Daremberg, Histoire de la Medecine.   Even so late as the Protestant Reformation, Martin Luther maintained (Table Talk, Hazlitt's translation, London, 1872, pp. 250, 256) that "Satan produces all the maladies which afflict mankind."

[342] It is significant of this scientific attitude that the Greek word for superstition means, literally, fear of gods or demons.

[343] For authorities regarding this development of scientific truth and mercy in antiquity, see especially Krafft-Ebing, Lehrbuch des Psychiatrie, Stuttgart, 1888, p. 40 and the pages following; Trelat, Recherches Historiques sur la Folie, Paris, 1839; Semelaigne, L'Alienation mentale dans l'Antiquitie, Paris, 1869; Dagron, Des Alienes, Paris, 1875; also Calmeil, De la Folie, Sprenger, and especially Isensee, Geschichte der Medicin, Berlin, 1840.

[344] For the exorcism against disease found at Ninevah, see G. Smith, Delitzsch's German translation, p. 34.   For a very interesting passage regarding the representaion of a diabolic personage on a Babylonian bronze, and for a very frank statement regarding the transmission of ideas regarding Satanic power to our sacred books, see Sayce, Herodotus, appendix ii, p. 393.   It is, indeed, extremely doubtful whether Plato himself or his contemporaries knew anything of evil demons, this conception probably coming into the Greek world, as into the Latin, with the Oriental influences that began to prevail about the time of the birth of Christ; but to the early Christians, a demon was a demon, and Plato's, good or bad, were pagan, and therefore devils.   The Greek word "epilepsy" is itself a survival of the old belief, fossilized in a word, since its literal meaning refers to the SEIZURE of the patient by evil spirits.

[345] For a striking statement of the Jewish belief in diabolical interference, see Josephus, De Bello Judaico, vii, 6, iii; also his Antiquities, vol. viii, Whiston's translation.   On the "devil cast out," in Mark ix, 17-29, as undoubtedly a case of epilepsy, see Cherullier, Essai sur l'Epilepsie; also Maury, art.   Demonique in the Encyclopedie Moderne.   In one text, at least, the popular belief is perfectly shown as confounding madness and possession: "He hath a devil,and is mad," John x, 20.   Among the multitude of texts, those most relied upon were Matthew viii, 28, and Luke x, 17; and for the use of fetiches in driving out evil spirits, the account of the cures wrought by touching the garments of St. Paul in Acts xix, 12.   On the general subject, see authorities already given, and as a typical passage, Tertullian, Ad.   Scap., ii.   For the very gross view taken by St. Basil, see Cudworth, Intellectual System, vol. ii, p. 648; also Archdeacon Farrar's Life of Christ.   For the case related by St. Gregory the Great with comical details, see the Exempla of Archbishop Jacques de Vitrie, edited by Prof. T. F. Crane, of Cornell University, p. 59, art.   cxxx.   For a curious presentation of Greek views, see Lelut, Le demon Socrate, Paris, 1856; and for the transmission of these to Christianity, see the same, p. 201 and following.

[346] See Cockayne, Leechdoms, Wort-cunning, and Star-Craft of Early England in the Rolls Series, vol. ii, p. 177; also pp. 355, 356.   For the great value of priestly saliva, see W. W.   Story's essays.

[347] For a very thorough and interesting statement on the general subject, see Kirchhoff, Beziehungen des Damonen- und Hexenwesens zur deutschen Irrenpflege in the Allgemeine Zeitschrift fur Psychiatrie, Berlin, 1888, Bd.   xliv, Heft 25. For Roman Catholic authority, see Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, article Energumens.   For a brief and eloquent summary, see Krefft-Ebing, Lehrbuch der Psychiatrie, as above; and for a clear view of the transition from pagan mildness in the care of the insane to severity and cruelty under the Christian Church, see Maudsley, The Pathology of the Mind, London, 1879, p. 523.   See also Buchmann, Die undfreie und die freie Kirche, Bresleau, 1873, p. 251.   For other citations, see Kirchoff, as above, pp. 334-346.   For Bishop Nemesius, see Trelat, p. 48.   For an account of Agobard's general position in regard to this and allied superstitions, see Reginald Lane Poole's Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought, London, 1884.

[348] See Baas and Werner, cited by Kirchhoff,as above; also Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, vol. i, p. 68, and note, New York, 1884.   As to Basil's belief in the corporeality of devils, see his Commentary on Isaiah, cap. i.

[349] For a very full and learned, if somewhat one-sided, account of the earlier effects of this stream of charitable thought, see Tollemer, Des Origines de la Charite Catholique, Paris, 1858.   It is instructive to note that, while this book is very full in regard to the action of the Church on slavery and on provision for the widows and orphans, the sick, infirm, captives, and lepers, there is hardly a trace of any care for the insane.   This same want is incidentally shown by a typical example in Kriegk, Aerzte, Heilanstalten und Geisteskranke im mittelalterlichen Frankfurt, Frankfurt A. M., 1863, pp. 16, 17; also Kirschhof, pp. 396, 397.   On the general subject, see Semelaigne, as above, p. 214; also Calmeil, vol. i, pp. 116, 117.   For the effect of Muslem example in Spain and Italy, see Krafft-Ebing, as above, p. 45, note.

[350] Thesaurus Exorcismorum atque Conjurationum terribilium, potentissimorum, efficacissimorum, cum PRACTICA probatissima: quibus spiritus maligni, Daemones Maleficiaque omnia de Corporibus humanis obsessis, tanquam Flagellis Fustibusque fugantur, expelluntur, . . . Cologne, 1626.   Many of the books of the exorcists were put upon the various indexes of the Church, but this, the richest collection of all, and including nearly all those condemned, was not prohibited until 1709.   Scarcely less startling manuals continued even later in use; and exorcisms adapted to every emergency may of course still be found in all the Benedictionals of the Church, even the latest.   As an example, see the Manuale Benedictionum, published by the Bishop of Passau in 1849, or the Exorcismus in Satanam, etc., issued in 1890 by the present Pope, and now on sale at the shop of the Propoganda in Rome.

[351] See the Conjuratio on p. 300 of the Thesaurus, and the general directions given on pp. 251, 251.

[352] Thesaurus Exorcismorum, pp. 812-817.

[353] Ibid., p. 859.

[354] In my previous chapters, especially that on meteorology, I have quoted extensively from the original treatises, of which a very large collection is in my posession; but in this chapter I have mainly availed myself of the copious translations given by M.   H. Dziewicki, in his excellent article in The Nineteenth Century for October, 1888, entitled Exorcizo Te.   For valuable citations on the origin and spread of exorcism, see Lecky's European Morals (third English edition), vol. i, pp. 379-385.

[355] For prescription of the whipping-post by Sir Thomas More, see D. H. Tuke's History of Insanity in the British Isles, London, 1882, p. 41.

[356] I cite these instances out of a vast number which I have personally noted in visits to various cathedrals.   For striking examples of mediaeval grotesques, see Wright's History of Caricature and the Grotesque, London, 1875; Langlois's Stalles de la Cathedrale de Rouen, 1838; Adeline's Les Sculptures Grotesques et Symboliques, Rouen, 1878; Viollet le Duc, Dictionnaire de l'Architecture; Gailhabaud, Sur l'Architecture, etc.   For a reproduction of an illuminated manuscript in which devils fly out of the mouths of the possessed under the influence of exorcisms, see Cahier and Martin, Nouveaux Melanges d' Archeologie for 1874, p.   136; and for a demon emerging from a victim's mouth in a puff of smoke at the command of St. Francis Xavier, see La Devotion de Dix Vendredis, etc., Plate xxxii.

[357] See Wright, History of Caricature and the Grotesque; F. J. Mone, Schauspiele des Mittelalters, Carlsruhe, 1846; Dr. Karl Hase, Miracle-Plays and Sacred Dramas, Boston,1880 (translation from the German).   Examples of the miracle-plays may be found in Marriott's Collection of English Miracle-Plays, 1838; in Hone's Ancient Mysteries; in T. Sharpe's Dissertaion on the Pageants . . .   anciently performed at Coventry, Coventry, 1828; in the publications of the Shakespearean and other societies.   See especially The Harrowing of Hell, a miracle-play, edited from the original now in the British Museum, by T. O.   Halliwell, London, 1840.   One of the items still preserved is a sum of money paid for keeping a fire burning in hell's mouth.   Says Hase (as above, p.   42): "In wonderful satyrlike masquerade, in which neither horns, tails, nor hoofs were ever . . . wanting, the devil prosecuted on the stage his business of fetching souls," which left the mouths of the dying "in the form of small images."

[358] I shall discuss these epidemics of possession, which form a somewhat distinct class of phenomena, in the next chapter.

[359] The typical picture representing a priest's struggle with the devil is in the city gallery of Rouen.   The modern picture is Robert Fleury's painting in the Luxembourg Gallery at Paris.

[360] See Geraldus Cambrensis, cited by Tuke, as above, pp. 8, 9.

[361] See Menabrea, Proces au Moyen Age contre les Animaux, Chambery, 1846, pp. 31 and following; also Desmazes, Supplices, Prisons et Grace en France, pp. 89, 90, and 385-395.   For a formula and ceremonies used in excommunicating insects, see Rydberg, pp. 75 and following.

[362] For Luther, see, among the vast number of similar passages in his works, the Table Talk, Hazlitt's translation, pp. 251, 252.   As to the grotesques in mediaeval churches, the writer of this article, in visiting the town church of Wittenberg, noticed, just opposite the pulpit where Luther so often preached, a very spirited figure of an imp peering out upon the congregation.   One can but suspect that this mediaeval survival frequently suggested Luther's favourite topic during his sermons.   For Beza, see his Notes on the New Testament, Matthew iv, 24.

[363] For instances of this competition, see Freytag, Aus dem Jahrh.   D. Reformation, pp. 359-375.   The Jesuit Stengel, in his De judiciis divinis (Ingolstadt, 1651), devotes a whole chapter to an exorcism, by the great Canisius, of a spirit that had baffled Protestant conjuration.   Among the most jubilant Catholic satires of the time are those exulting in Luther's alleged failure as an exorcist.

[364] For the attitude of the Catholic clergy, the best sources are the confidential Jesuit Litterae Annuae.   To this day the numerous treatises on "pastoral medicine" in use in the older Church devote themselves mainly to this sort of warfare with the devil.

[365] Baptismal exorcism continued in use among the Lutherans till the eighteenth century, though the struggle over its abandonment had been long and sharp.   See Krafft, Histories vom Exorcismo, Hamburg, 1750.

[366] The Jesuit Stengel, professor at Ingolstadt, who (in his great work, De judiciis divinis) urges, as reasons why a merciful God permits illness, his wish to glorify himself through the miracles wrought by his Church, and his desire to test the faith of men by letting them choose between the holy aid of the Church and the illicit resort to medicine, declares that there is a difference between simple possession and that brought by bewitchment, and insists that the latter is the more difficult to treat.

[367] See D. H. Tuke, Chapters in the History of the Insane in the British Isles, London, 1822, p. 36; also Kirchhoff, p. 340. The forms of insanity especially mentioned are "dementia senilis" and epilepsy.   A striking case of voluntary confession of witchcraft by a woman who lived to recover from the delusion is narrated in great detail by Reginald Scot, in his Discovery of Witchcraft, London, 1584.   It is, alas, only too likely that the "strangeness" caused by slight and unrecognised mania led often to the accusation of witchcraft instead of to the suspicion of possession.

[368] See Kirchhoff, as above.

[369] For the arguments used by creatures of this sort, see Diefenbach, Der Hexenwahn vor und nach der Glaubensspaltung in Deutschland, pp. 342-346.   A long list of their infamous names is given on p. 345.

[370] As to the frequency among the insane of this form of belief, see Calmeil, vol. ii, p. 257; also Maudsley, Pathology of Mind, pp. 201, 202, and 418-424; also Rambaud, Histoire de la Civilisation en France, vol. ii, p. 110.   For the peculiar abberations of the saints above named and other ecstatics, see Maudsley, as above, pp. 71, 72, and 149, 150.   Maudsley's chapters on this and cognate subjects are certainly among the most valuable contributions to modern thought.   For a discussion of the most recent case, see Warlomont, Louise Lateau, Paris, 1875.

[371] As to the devil's entering into the mouth while eating, see Calmeil, as above, vol. ii, pp. 105, 106.   As to the dread of Dr. Borde lest the evil spirit, when exorcised, might enter his own body, see Tuke, as above, p. 28.   As to the King of Spain, see the noted chapter in Buckle's History of Civilization in England.

[372] Among the multitude of authorities on this point, see Kirchhoff, as above, p. 337; and for a most striking picture of this dark side of convent life, drawn, indeed, by a devoted Roman Catholic, see Manzoni's Promessi Sposi.   On Anna Renata there is a striking essay by the late Johannes Scherr, in his Hammerschlage und Historien.   On the general subject of hysteria thus developed, see the writings of Carpenter and Tuke; and as to its natural development in nunneries, see Maudsley, Responsibility in Mental Disease, p. 9.   Especial attention will be paid to this in the chapter on Diabolism and Hysteria.

[373] This branch of the subject will be discussed more at length in a future chapter.

[374] See Esquirol, Des Maladies mentales, vol. i, pp. 488, 489; vol.   ii, p. 529.

[375] See the two sermons, Sur les Demons (which are virtually but two versions of the same sermon), in Bousset's works, edition of 1845, vol. iii, p. 236 et seq.; also Dziewicki, in The Nineteenth Century, as above.   On Bousset's resistance to other scientific truths, especially in astronomy, geology, and political economy, see other chapters in this work.

[376] For Colbert's influence, see Dagron, p. 8; also Rambaud, as above, vol. ii, p. 155.   For St. Andre, see Lacroix, as above, pp.   189, 190.   For Charcot's researches into the disease now known as Meteorismus hystericus, but which was formerly regarded in the ecclesiastical courts as an evidence of pregnancy through relations with Satan, see Snell, Hexenprocesse un Geistesstorung, Munchen, 1891, chaps.   xii and xiii.

[377] For John Locke, see King's Life of Locke, pp. 326, 327. For Wesley, out of his almost innumerable writings bearing on the subject, I may select the sermon on Evil Angels, and his Letter to Dr. Middleton; and in his collected works, there are many striking statements and arguments, especially in vols.   iii, vi, and ix.   See also Tyerman's Life of Wesley, vol. ii, pp. 260 et seq.   Luther's great hymn, Ein' feste Burg, remained, of course, a prominent exception to the rule; but a popular proverb came to express the general feeling: "Auf Teufel reimt sich Zweifel." See Langin, as above, pp. 545, 546.

[378] See Kirchhoff, pp. 181-187; also Langin, Religion und Hexenprozess, as above cited.

[379] For remarkably interesting articles showing the recent efforts of sundry priests in Italy and South Germany to revive the belief in diabolic possession - efforts in which the Bishop of Augsburg took part - see Prof. E. p. Evans, on Modern Instances of Diabolic Possession, and on Recent Recrudescence of Superstition in The Popular Science Monthly for Dec.   1892, and for Oct., Nov., 1895.

[380] On Sir Thomas More and the condition of Bedlam, see Tuke, History of the Insane in the British Isles, pp. 63-73.   One of the passages of Shakespeare is in As You Like It, Act iii, scene 2.   As to the survival of indifference to the sufferings of the insane so long after the belief which caused it had generally disappeared, see some excellent remarks in Maudsley's Responsibility in Mental Disease, London, 1885, pp. 10-12.

[381] For the services of Tenon and his associates, and also for the work of Pinel, see especially Esquirol, Des Maladies mentales, Paris, 1838, vol. i, p. 35; and for the general subject, and the condition of the hospitals at this period, see Dagron, as above.

[382] See D. H. Tuke, as above, p. 110; also Trelat, as already cited.

[383] See D. H. Tuke, as above, p. 116-142, and 512; also the Edinburgh Review for April, 1803.

[384] As to eminent physicians' finding a stumbling-block in hysterical mania, see Kirchhoff's article, p. 351, cited in previous chapter.

[385] As to the Maenads, Corybantes, and the disease "Corybantism," see, for accessible and adequate statements, Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities and Lewis and Short's Lexicon; also reference in Hecker's Essays upon the Black Death and the Dancing Mania.   For more complete discussion, see Semelaigne, L'Alienation mentale dans l'Antiquite, Paris, 1869.

[386] See Wellhausen, article Israel, in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, ninth edition; also the reprint of it in his History of Israel, London, 1885, p. 546.   On the general subject of the demoniacal epidemics, see Isensee, Geschichte der Medicin, vol. i, pp. 260 et seq.; also Hecker's essay.   As to the history of Saul, as a curious landmark in the general development of the subject, see The Case of Saul, showing that his Disorder was a Real Spiritual Possession, by Granville Sharp, London, 1807, passim.   As to the citation of Saul's case by the reigning Pope to spur on the French kings against the Huguenots, I hope to give a list of authorities in a future chapter on The Church and International Law.   For the general subject, with interesting details, see Laurent, Etudes sur l'Histoire de l'Humanities.   See also Maury, La Magie et l'Astrologie dans l'Antiquite et au Moyen Age.

[387] For Paracelsus, see Isensee, vol. i, chap. xi; also Pettigrew, Superstitions connected with the History and Practice of Medicine and Surgery, London, 1844, introductory chapter.   For Wier, see authorities given in my previous chapter.

[388] As to this diminution of widespread epidemic at the end of the sixteenth century, see citations from Schenck von Grafenberg in Hecker, as above; also Horst.

[389] See Hecker's Epidemics of the Middle Ages, pp. 87-104; also extracts and observations in Carpenter's Mental Physiology, London, 1888, pp. 321-315; also Maudsley, Pathology of Mind, pp. 73 and following.

[390] See citation from Zimmermann's Solitude, in Carpenter, pp. 34, 314.

[391] For the Brossier case, see Clameil, La Folie, tome i, livre 3, C. 2.   For the cases at Tours, see Madden, Phantasmata, vol. i, pp. 309, 310.

[392] See Dagron, chap. ii.

[393] On monasteries as centres of "possession" and hysterical epidemics, see Figuier, Le Merveilleux, p. 40 and following; also Calmeil, Langin, Kirchhoff, Maudsley, and others.   On similar results from excitement at Protestant meetings in Scotland and camp meetings in England and America, see Hecker's Essay, concluding chapters.

[394] Among the many statements of Grandier's case,one of the best in English may be found in Trollope's Sketches from French History, London, 1878.   See also Bazin, Louis XIII.

[395] See Bersot, Mesmer et la Magnetisme animal, third edition, Paris, 1864, pp. 95 et seq.

[396] For the idea that America before the Pilgims had been especially given over to Satan, see the literature of the early Puritan period, and especially the poetry of Wigglesworth, treated in Tylor's History of American Literature, vol. ii, p. 25 et seq.

[397] For curious examples of this, see Upham's History of Salem Witchcraft, vol. i.

[398] This is admirably brought out by Upham, and the lawyerlike thoroughness with which he has examined all these hidden springs of the charges is one of the main things which render his book one of the most valuable contributions to the history and philosophy of demoniacal possession ever written.

[399] See Drake, The Witchcraft Delusion in New England, vol. iii, pp. 34 et seq.

[400] See Calef, in Drake, vol.ii; also Upham.

[401] See Madden, Phantasmata, chap. xiv; also Sir James Stephen, History of France, lecture xxvi; also Henry Martin, Histoire de France, vol. xv, pp. 168 et seq.; also Calmeil, liv.   v, chap. xxiv; also Hecker's essay; and, for samples of myth-making, see the apocryphal Souvenirs de Crequy.

[402] See Soldan, Scherr, Diefenbach, and others.

[403] See Adam's Dictionary of All Religions, article on Jumpers; also Hecker.

[404] For these examples and others, see Tuke, Influence of the Mind upon the Body, vol. i, pp. 100, 277; also Hecker's essay.

[405] For an amazing delineation of the curative and other virtues of holy water, see the Abbe Gaume, L'Eau benite au XIXme Siecle, Paris, 1866.

[406] See Tissot, L'Imagination: ses Bienfaits et ses Egarements sutout dans le Domaine du Merveilleux, Paris, 1868, liv.   iv, ch. vii, S 7: Les Possedees de Morzine; also Constans, Relation sur une Epidemie de Hystero-Demonopathies, Paris, 1863.

[407] For the cases in Brooklyn, see the New York Tribune of about June 10, 1893.   For the Tigretier, with especially interesting citations, see Hecker, chap. iii, sec.   1.   For the cases in western Africa, see the Rev. J. L.   Wilson, Western Africa, p. 217.

[410] To go into even leading citations in this vast and beneficent literature would take me far beyond my plan and space, but I may name, among easily accessible authorities, Brierre de Boismont on Hallucinations, Hulme's translation, 1860; also James Braid, The Power of the Mind over the Body, London, 1846; Krafft- Ebing, Lehrbuch der Psychiatrie, Stuttgart, 1888; Tuke, Influence of the Mind on the Body, London, 1884; Maudsley, Pathology of the Mind, London, 1879; Carpenter, Mental Physiology, sixth edition, London, 1888; Lloyd Tuckey, Faith Cure, in The Nineteenth Century for December, 1888; Pettigrew, Superstitions connected with the Practice of Medicine and Surgery, London, 1844; Snell, Hexenprocesse und Geistesstorung, Munchen, 1891.   For a very valuable study of interesting cases, see The Law of Hypnotism, by Prof.   R. S. Hyer, of the Southwestern University, Georgetown, Texas, 1895.

[411] See the Abbe Barthelemi, in the Dictionnaire de la Conversation; also the Rev. W. Scott's Doctrine of Evil Spirits proved, London, 1853; also the vigorous protest of Dean Burgon against the action of the New Testament revisers, in substituting the word "epileptic" for "lunatic" in Matthew xvii, 15, published in the Quarterly Review for January, 1882.

[412] Any one who wishes to realize the mediaeval view of the direct personal attention of the Almighty to the universe, can perhaps do so most easily by looking over the engravings in the well-known Nuremberg Chronicle, representing him in the work of each of the six days, and resting afterward.

[413] For the identification of the Tower of Babel with the "Birs Nimrad" amid the ruins of the city of Borsippa, see Rawlinson; also Schrader, The Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament, London, 1885, pp. 106-112 and following; and especially George Smith, Assyrian Discoveries, p. 59.   For some of these inscriptions discovered and read by George Smith, see his Chaldean Account of Genesis, new York, 1876, pp. 160-162.   For the statement regarding the origin of the word Babel, see Ersch and Gruber, article Babylon; also the Rev. Prof. A. H. Sayce in the latest edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica; also Colenso, Pentateuch Examined, part iv, p. 302; also John Fiske, Myths and Myth-makers, p. 72; also Lenormont, Histoire Ancienne de l'Orient, Paris, 1881, vol. i, pp. 115 et seq.   As to the character and purpose of the great tower of the temple of Belus, see Smith's Bible Dictionary, article Babel, quoting Diodorus; also Rawlinson, especially in Journal of the Asiatic Society for 1861; also Sayce, Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Hibbert Lectures for 1887), London, 1887, chap. ii and elsewhere, especially pages 96, 397, 407; also Max Duncker, History of Antiquity, Abbott's translation, vol. ii, chaps.   ii, and iii. For similar legends in other parts of the world, see Delitzsch; also Humboldt, American Researches; also Brinton, Myths of the New World; also Colenso, as above.   The Tower of Cholula is well known, having been described by Humboldt and Lord Kingsborough. For superb engravings showing the view of Babel as developed by the theological imagination, see Kircher, Turris Babel, Amsterdam, 1679.   For the Law of Wills and Causes, with deductions from it well stated, see Beattie Crozier, Civilization and Progress, London, 1888, pp. 112, 178, 179, 273.   For Plato, see the Politicus, p. 272, ed.   Stephani, cited in Ersch and Gruber, article Babylon.   For a good general statement, see Bible Myths, New York, 1883, chap. iii.   For Aristotle's strange want of interest in any classification of the varieties of human speech, see Max Muller, Lectures on the Science of Language, London, 1864, series i, chap. iv, pp. 123-125.

[414] For Lucretius's statement, see the De Rerum Natura, lib. v, Munro's edition, with translation, Cambridge, 1886, vol. iii.   p. 141.   For the opinion of Gregory of Nyssa, see Benfey, Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft in Deutschland, Munchen, 1869, p. 179; and for the passage cited, see Gregory of Nyssa in his Contra Eunomium, xii, in Migne's Patr.   Graeca, vol. ii, p. 1043.   For St.   Jerome, see his Epistle XVIII, in Migne's Patr.   Lat., vol. xxii, p. 365.   For citation from St. Augustine, see the City of God, Dod's translation, Edinburgh, 1871, vol. ii, p. 122.   For citation from Origen, see his Homily XI, cited by Guichard in preface to L'Harmonie Etymologique, Paris, 1631, lib. xvi, chap. xi.   For absolutely convincing proofs that the Jews derived the Babel and other legends of their sacred books fro the Chaldeans, see George Smith, Chaldean Account of Genesis, passim; but especially for a most candid though somewhat reluctant summing up, see p. 291.

[415] For the whole scriptural argument, embracing the various texts on which the sacred science of Philology was founded, with the use made of such texts, see Benfey, Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft in Deutschland, Munchen, 1869, pp. 22-26.   As to the origin of the vowel points, see Benfey, as above; he holds that they began to be inserted in the second century A.D., and that the process lasted until about the tenth.   For Raymundus and his Pugio Fidei, see G. L.   Bauer, Prolegomena to his revision of Glassius's Philologia Sacra, Leipsic, 1795, - see especially pp. 8-14, in tome ii of the work.   For Zwingli, see Praef.   in Apol. comp.   Isaiae (Opera, iii).   See also Morinus, De Lingua primaeva, p.447.   For Marini, see his Arca Noe: Thesaurus Linguae Sanctae, Venet., 1593, and especially the preface.   For general account of Capellus, see G. L.   Bauer, in his Prolegomena, as above, vol. ii, pp.   8-14.   His Arcanum Premetationis Revelatum was brought out at Leyden in 1624; his Critica Sacra ten years later.   See on Capellus and Swiss theologues, Wolfius, Bibliotheca Nebr., tome ii, p. 27.   For the struggle, see Schnedermann, Die Controverse des Ludovicus Capellus mit den Buxtorfen, Leipsic, 1879, cited in article Hebrew, in Encyclopaedia Britannica.   For Wasmuth, see his Vindiciae Sanctae Hebraicae Scripturae, Rostock, 1664.   For Reuchlin, see the dedicatory preface to his Rudimenta Hebraica, Pforzheim, 1506, folio, in which he speaks of the "in divina scriptura dicendi genus, quale os Dei locatum est." The statement in the Margarita Philosophica as to Hebrew is doubtless based on Reuchlin's Rudimenta Hebraica, which it quotes, and which first appeared in 1506.   It is significant that this section disappeared from the Margarita in the following editions; but this disappearence is easily understood when we recall the fact that Gregory Reysch, its author, having become one of the Papal Commission to judge Reuchlin in his quarrel with the Dominicans, thought it prudent to side with the latter, and therefore, doubtless, considered it wise to suppress all evidence of Reuchlin's influence upon his beliefs.   All the other editions of the Margarita in my possession are content with teaching, under the head of the Alphabet, that the Hebrew letters were invented by Adam.   On Luther's view of the words "God said," see Farrar, Language and Languages.   For a most valuable statement regarding the clashing opinions at the Reformation, see Max Muller, as above, lecture iv, p. 132.   For the prevailing view among the Reformers, see Calovius, vol. i, p. 484, and Thulock, The Doctrine of Inspiration, in Theolog.   Essays, Boston, 1867. Both Muller and Benfey note, as especially important, the difference between the Church view and the ancient heathen view regarding "barbarians." See Muller, as above, lecture iv, p. 127, and Benfey, as above, pp. 170 et seq.   For a very remarkable list of Bibles printed at an early period, see Benfey, p. 569. On the attempts to trace all words back to Hebrew roots, see Sayce, Introduction to the Science of Language, chap. vi.   For Gesner, see his Mithridates (de differentiis linguarum), Zurich, 1555.   For a similar attempt to prove that Italian was also derived from Hebrew, see Giambullari, cited in Garlanda, p. 174. For Fulke, see the Parker Society's Publications, 1848, p. 224. For Whitaker, see his Disputation on Holy Scripture in the same series, pp. 112-114.

[416] The quotation from Guichard is from L'Harmonie Etymologique des Langues, . . . dans laquelle par plusiers Antiquites et Etymologies de toute sorte, je demonstre evidemment que toutes les langues sont descendues de l'Hebraique; par M. Estienne Guichard, Paris, 1631.   The first edition appeared in 1606.   For Willett, see his Hexapla, London, 1608, pp. 125-128.   For the Address of L'Empereur, see his publication, Leyden, 1627.   The quotation from Lightfoot, beginning "Other commendations," etc., is taken from his Erubhin, or Miscellanies, edition of 1629; see also his works, vol. iv, pp. 46, 47, London, 1822.   For Bishop Brian Walton, see the Cambridge edition of his works, 1828, Prolegomena S 1 and 3.   As to Walton's giving up the rabbinical points, he mentions in one of the latest editions of his works the fact that Isaac Casabon, Joseph Scaliger, Isaac Vossius, Grotius, Beza, Luther, Zwingli, Brentz, Oecolampadius, Calvin, and even some of the Popes were with him in this.   For Sennert, see his Dissertation de Ebraicae S. S.   Linguae Origine, etc., Wittenberg, 1657; also his Grammitica Orientalis, Wittenberg, 1666.   For Buxtorf, see the preface to his Thesaurus Grammaticus Linguae Sanctae Hebraeae, sixth edition, 1663.   For Gale, see his Court of the Gentiles, Oxford, 1672.   For Morinus, see his Exercitationes de Lingua Primaeva, Utrecht, 1697.   For Thomassin, see his Glossarium Universale Hebraicum, Paris, 1697.   For John Eliot's utterance, see Mather's Magnalia, book iii, p. 184.   For Meric Casaubon, see his De Lingua Anglia Vet., p. 160, cited by Massey, p. 16 of Origin and Progress of Letters.   For Bentley, see his works, London, 1836, vol. ii, p. 11, and citations by Welsford, Mithridates Minor, p. 2.   As to Bentley's position as a scholar, see the famous estimate in Macaulay's Essays.   For a short but very interesting account of him, see Mark Pattison's article in vol. iii of the last edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica.   The postion of Pattison as an agnostic dignitary in the English Church eminently fitted him to understand Bentley's career, both as regards the orthodox and the scholastic world. For perhaps the most striking account of the manner in which Bentley lorded it in the scholastic world of his time, see Monk's Life of Bentley, vol. ii, chap. xvii, and especially his contemptuous reply to the judges, as given in vol. ii, pp. 211, 212.   For Cotton Mather, see his biography by Samuel Mather, Boston, 1729, pp. 5, 6.

[417] For Hottinger, see the preface to his Etymologicum Orientale, Frankfort, 1661.   For Leibnitz, Catharine the Great, Hervas, and Adelung, see Max Muller, as above, from whom I have quoted very fully; see also Benfey, Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft, etc., p. 269.   Benfey declares that the Catalogue of Hervas is even now a mine for the philologist.   For the first two citations from Leibnitz, as well as for a statement of his importance in the history of languages, see Max Muller, as above, pp. 135, 136.   For the third quotation, Leibnitz, Opera, Geneva, 1768, vi, part ii, p. 232.   For Nelme, see his Origin and Elements of Language, London, 1772, pp. 85-100.   For Rowland Jones, see The Origin of Language and Nations, London, 1764, and preface.   For the origin of languages in Brittany, see Le Brigant, Paris, 1787.   For Herder and Lessing, see Canon Farrar's treatise; on Lessing, see Sayce, as above.   As to Perrin, see his essay Sur l'Origine et l'Antiquite des Langues, London, 1767.

[418] For the danger of "the little system of the history of the world," see Sayce, as above.   On Dugald Stewart's contention, see Max Muller, Lectures on Language, pp. 167, 168.   For Sir William Jones, see his Works, London, 1807, vol. i, p. 199.   For Schlegel, see Max Muller, as above.   For an enormous list of great theologians, from the fathers down, who dwelt on the divine inspiration and wonderful gifts of Adam on this subject, see Canon Farrar, Language and Languages.   The citation from Clement of Alexandria is Strom..   i, p. 335.   See also Chrysostom, Hom. XIV in Genesin; also Eusebius, Praep.   Evang.   XI, p. 6.   For the two quotations given above from Shuckford, see The Creation and Fall of Man, London, 1763, preface, p. lxxxiii; also his Sacred and Profane History of the World, 1753; revised edition by Wheeler, London, 1858.   For the argument regarding the difficulty of bringing the fishes to be named into the Garden of Eden, see Massey, Origin and Progress of Letters, London, 1763, pp. 14-19.

[419] For Johnson's work, showing how Moses learned the alphabet, see the Collection of Discourses by Rev. John Johnson, A. M., Vicar of Kent, London, 1728, p. 42, and the preface.   For Beattie, see his Theory of Language, London, 1788, p. 98; also pp.   100, 101.   For Adam Clarke, see, for the speech cited, his Miscellaneous Works, London, 1837; for the passage from his Commentary, see the London edition of 1836, vol. i, p. 93; for the other passage, see Introduction to Bibliographical Miscellany, quoted in article, Origin of Language and Alphabetical Characters, in Methodist Magazine, vol. xv, p. 214. For De Bonald, see his Recherches Philosophiques, part iii, chap. ii, De l'Origine du Language, in his Oeuvres, Bruxelles, 1852, vol.   i, Les Soirees de Saint Petersbourg, deuxieme entretien, passim.   For Lamennais, see his Oeuvres Completes, Paris, 1836- '37, tome ii, pp.78-81, chap. xv of Essai sur l'Indifference en Matiere de Religion.

[420] For Mr. Gladstone's view, see his Impregnable Rock of Holy Scripture, London, 1890, pp. 241 et seq.   The passage connecting the trident of Neptune with the Trinity is in his Juventus Mundi. To any American boy who sees how inevitably, both among Indian and white fishermen, the fish spear takes the three-pronged form, this utterance of Mr. Gladstone is amazing.

[421] For Kayser, see his work, Ueber die Ursprache, oder uber eine Behauptung Mosis, dass alle Sprachen der Welt von einer einzigen der Noahhischen abstammen, Erlangen, 1840; see especially pp. 5, 80, 95, 112.   For Wiseman, see his Lectures on the Connection between Science and Revealed Religion, London, 1836.   For examples typical of very many in this field, see the works of Pratt, 1856; Dwight, 1858; Jamieson, 1868.   For citation from Cumming, see his Great Tribulation, London, 1859, p. 4; see also his Things Hard to be Understood, London, 1861, p. 48.   For an admirable summary of the work of the great modern philologists, and a most careful estimate of the conclusions reached, see Prof. Whitney's article on Philology in the Encyclopaedia Britannica.   A copy of Mr. Atkinson's book is in the Harvard College Library, it having been presented by the Trustees of the Public Library of Victoria.   For Galloway, see his Philosophy of the Creation, Edinburgh and London, 1885, pp. 21, 238, 239, 446.   For citation from Baylee, see his Verbal Inspiration the True Characteristic of God's Holy Word, London, 1870, p. 14 and elsewhere.   For Archdeacon Pratt, see his Scripture and Science not at Variance, London, 1856, p. 55.   For the citation from Dr. Eadie, see his Biblical Cyclopaedia, London, 1870, p. 53.   For Dr. Dwight, see The New-Englander, vol. xvi, p. 465.   For the theological article referred to as giving up the sacred theory, see the Cyclopaedia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature, prepared by Rev. John McClintock, D. D., and James Strong, New York, 1873, vol. v, p. 233.   For Arabic as an earlier Semitic development than Hebrew, as well as for much other valuable information on the questions recently raised, see article Hebrew, by W. R. Smith, in the latest edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica.   For quotation from Canon Farrar, see his language and Languages, London, 1878, pp.   6,7.

[422] For Maxime Du Camp, see Le Nil: Egypte et Nubie, Paris, 1877, chapter v.   For India, see Duncker, Geschichte des Alterthums, vol. iii, p. 366; also Coleman, Mythology of the Hindus, p. 90.   For Greece, as to the Lycabettus myth, see Leake, Topography of Athens, vol. i, sec.   3; also Burnouf, La Legende Athenienne, p. 152.   For the rock at Aegina, see Charton, vol. i, p.   310.   For Scandanavia, see Thorpe, Northern Antiquities, passim.   For Teutonic countries, see Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie; Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, vol. ii; Zingerle, Sagen aus Tyrol, pp. 111 et seq., 488, 504, 543; and especially J.   B.   Friedrich, Symbolik und Mythologie der Natur, pp. 116 et seq.   For Celtic examples I am indebted to that learned and genial scholar, Prof. J. p. Mahaffy, of Trinity College, Dublin. See also story of the devil dropping a rock when forced by the archangel Michael to aid him in building Mont Saint-Michel on the west coast of France, in Sebillot's Traditions de la Haute Bretagne, vol. i, p. 22; also multitudes of other examples in the same work.   For Marco Polo, see in Grynaeus, p. 337; also Charton, Voyageurs anciens et modernes, tome ii, pp. 274 et seq., where the legend is given in full.

[423] For myths and legend crystallizing about boulders and other stones curiously shaped or marked, see, on the general subject, in addition to works already cited, Des Brosses, Les Dieux Fetiches, 1760, passim, but especially pages 166, 167; and for a condensed statement as to worship paid them, see Gerard de Rialle, Mythologie comparee, vol. vi, chapter ii.   For imprints of Buddha's feet, see Tylor, Researches into the Early History of Mankind, London, 1878, pp. 115 et seq.; also Coleman, p. 203, and Charton, Voyageurs anciens et modernes, tome i, pp. 365, 366, where engravings of one of the imprints, and of the temple above another, are seen.   There are five which are considered authentic by the Siamese, and a multitude of others more or less strongly insisted upon.   For the imprint os Moses' body, see travellers from Sir John Mandeville down.   For the mark of Neptune's trident, see last edition of Murray's Handbook of Greece, vol. i, p.   322; and Burnouf, La Legende Athenienne, p. 153.   For imprint of the feet of Christ, and of the Virgin's girdle and tears, see many of the older travellers in Palestine, as Arculf, Bouchard, Roger, and especially Bertrandon de la Brocquiere in Wright's collection, pp. 339, 340; also Maundrell's Travels, and Mandeville.   For the curious legend regarding the imprint of Abraham's foot, see Weil, Biblische Legenden der Muselmanner, pp. 91 et seq.   For many additional examples in Palestine, particularly the imprints of the bodies of three apostles on stones in the Garden of Gethsemane and of St. Jerome's body in the desert, see Beauvau, Relation du Voyage du Lavant, Nancy, 1615, passim.   For the various imprints made by Satan and giants in Scandanavia and Germany, see Thorpe, vol. ii, p. 85; Friedrichs, pp. 126 and passim.   For a very rich collection of such explanatory legends regarding stones and marks in Germany, see Karl Bartsch, Sagen, Marchen und Gebrauche aus Meklenburg, Wien, 1880, vol. ii, pp. 420 et seq.   For a woodcut representing the imprint of Christ's feet on the stone from which he ascended to heaven, see woodcut in Mandeville, edition of 1484, in the White Library, Cornell University.   For the legend of Domine quo vadis, see many books of travel and nearly all guide books for Rome, from the mediaeval Mirabilia Romae to the latest edition of Murray.   The footprints of Mohammed at Cairo were shown to the present writer in 1889.   On the general subject, with many striking examples, see Falsan, La Periode glaciaire, Paris, 1889, pp.   17, 294, 295.

[424] As to myths explaining volcanic craters and lakes, and embodying ideas of the wrath of Heaven against former inhabitants of the neighboring country, see Forbiger, Alte Geographie, Hamburg, 1877, vol. i, p. 563.   For exaggerations concerning the Dead Sea, see ibid., vol. i, p. 575.   For the sinking of Chiang Shui and other examples, see Denny's Folklore of China, pp. 126 et seq.   For the sinking of the Phrygian region, the destruction of its inhabitants, and the saving of Philemon and Baucis, see Ovid's Metamorphoses, book viii; also Botticher, Baumcultus der Alten, etc.   For the lake in Ceylon arising from the tears of Adam and Eve, see variants of the original legend in Mandeville and in Jurgen Andersen, Reisebeschreibung, 1669, vol. ii, p. 132. For the volcanic nature of the Dead Sea, see Daubeny, cited in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, s.v.   Palestine.   For lakes in Germany owing their origin to human sin and various supernatural causes, see Karl Bartsch, Sagen, Marche und Gebrauche aus Meklenburg, vol. i, pp. 397 et seq.   For lakes in America, see any good collection of Indian legends.   For lakes in Japan sunk supernaturally, see Braun's Japanesische Marche und Sagen, Leipsic, 1885, pp. 350, 351.

[425] For transformation myths and legends, identifying rocks and stones with gods and heroes, see Welcker, Gotterlehre, vol. i, p. 220.   For recent and more accessible statements for the general reader, see Robertson Smith's admirable Lectures on the Religion of the Semites, Edinburgh, 1889, pp. 86 et seq.   For some thoughtful remarks on the ancient adoration of stones rather than statues, with refernce to the anointing of stones at Bethel by Jacob, see Dodwell, Tour through Greece, vol. ii, p. 172; also Robertson Smith, as above, Lecture V.   For Chinese transformation legends, see Denny's Folklore of China, pp. 96, 128.   For Hindu and other ancient legends of transformations, see Dawson, Dictionary of Hindu Mythology; also Coleman, as above; also Cox, Mythology of the Aryan Nations, pp. 81-97, etc.   For such transformations in Greece, see the Iliad, and Ovid, as above; also Stark, Niobe und die Niobiden, p. 444 and elsewhere; also Preller, Griechische Mythologie, passim; also Baumeister, Denkmaler des classischen Alterthums, article Niobe; also Botticher,as above; also Curtius, Griechische Geschichte, vol.i, pp.   71, 72.   For Pausanius's naive confession regarding the Sipylos rock, see book i, p. 215.   See also Texier, Asie Mineure, pp.   265 et seq.; also Chandler, Travels in Greece, vol. ii, p. 80, who seems to hold to the later origin of the statue.   At the end of Baumeister there is an engraving copied from Stuart which seems to show that, as to the Niobe legend, at a later period, Art was allowed to help Nature.   For the general subject, see Scheiffle, Programm des K.   Gymnasiums in Ellwangen: Mythologische Parallelen, 1865.   For Scandinavian and Teutonic transformation legends, see Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, vierte Ausg., vol. i, p. 457; also Thorpe, Northern Antiquities; also Friedrich, passim, especially p. 116 et seq.; also, for a mass of very curious ones, Karl Bartsch, Sagen, Marchen und gebrauche aus Meklenburg, vol. i, pp. 420 et seq.; also Karl Simrock's edition of the Edda, ninth edition, p. 319; also John Fiske, Myths and Myth-makers, pp.   8, 9.   On the universality of such legends and myths, see Ritter's Erdkunde, vol. xiv, pp. 1098-1122.   For Irish examples, see Manz, Real-Encyclopadie, article Stein; and for multitudes of examples in Brittany, see Sebillot, Traditions de la Haute- Bretagne.   For the enchanted columns at Saloniki, see the latest edition of Murray's Handbook of Turkey, vol. ii, p. 711.   For the legend of the angel changed into stone for neglecting to guard Adam, see Weil, university librarian at Heidelberg, Biblische Legende der Muselmanner, Frankfort-am-Main, 1845, pp. 37, 84. For similar transformation legends in Australia and among the American Indians, see Andrew Lang, Mythology, French translation, pp.   83, 102; also his Myth, Ritual, and Religion, vol. i, pp. 150 et seq., citing numerous examples from J. G. Muller, Urreligionen, and Dorman's Primitive Superstitions; also Report of the Bureau of Ethnoligy for 1880-'81; and for an African example, see account of the rock at Balon which was once a woman, in Berenger-Feraud, Contes populaires de la Senegambie, chap. viii.   For the Weimar legend, see Lewes, Life of Goethe, book iv. For the myths which arose about the swindling "Cardiff giant" in the State of New York, see especially an article by G. A. Stockwell, M. D., in The Popular Science Monthly for June, 1878; see also W. A. McKinney in The New-Englander for October, 1875; and for the "Phoenician inscription," given at length with a translation, see the Rev. Alexander McWhorter, in The Galaxy for July, 1872.   The present writer visited the "giant" shortly after it was "discovered," carefully observed it, and the myths to which it gave rise, has in his possession a mass of curious documents regarding this fraud, and hopes ere long to prepare a supplement to Dr. Stockwell's valuable paper.

[426] For the view taken in Greece and Rome of transformations into trees and shrubs, see Botticher, Baumcultus der Hellenen, book i, chap. xix; also Ovid, Metamorphoses, passim; also foregoing notes.

[427] For modern views of the Dead Sea, see the Rev. Edward Robinson, D. D., Biblical Researches, various editions; Lynch's Exploring Expedition; De Saulcy, Voyage autour de la Mer Morte; Stanley's Palestine and Syria; Schaff's Through Bible Lands; and other travellers hereafter quoted.   For good photogravures, showing the character of the whole region, see the atlas forming part of De Luynes's monumental Voyage d'Exploration.   For geographical summaries, see Reclus, La Terre, Paris, 1870, pp. 832-834; Ritter, Erdkunde, volumes devoted to Palestine and especially as supplemented in Gage's translation with additions; Reclus, Nouvelle Geographie Universelle, vol. ix, p. 736, where a small map is given presenting the difference in depth between the two ends of the lake, of which so much was made theologically before Lartet.   For still better maps, see De Saulcy, and especially De Luynes, Voyage d'Exploration (atlas).   For very interesting panoramic views, see last edition of Canon Tristram's Land of Israel, p. 635.   For the geology, see Lartet, in his reports to the French Geographical Society, and especially in vol.   iii of De Luynes's work, where there is an admirable geological map with sections, etc.; also Ritter; also Sir J. W. Dawson's Egypt and Syria, published by the Religious Tract Society; also Rev. Cunningham Geikie, D. D., Geology of Palestine; and for pictures showing salt formation, Tristram, as above.   For the meteorology, see Vignes, report to De Luynes, pp. 65 et seq.   For chemistry of the Dead Sea, see as above, and Terreil's report, given in Gage's Ritter, vol. iii, appendix 2, and tables in De Luynes's third volume.   For zoology of the Dead Sea, as to entire absence of life in it, see all earlier travellers; as to presence of lower forms of life, see Ehrenberg's microscopic examinations in Gage's Ritter.   See also reports in third volume of De Luynes.   For botany of the Dead Sea, and especially regarding "apples of Sodom," see Dr. Lortet's La Syrie, p. 412; also Reclus, Nouvelle Geographie, vol. ix, p. 737; also for photographic representations of them, see portfolio forming part of De Luynes's work, plate 27.   For Strabo's very perfect description, see his Geog., lib. xvi, cap. ii; also Fallmerayer, Werke, pp. 177, 178.   For names and positions of a large number of salt lakes in various parts of the world more or less resembling the Dead Sea, see De Luynes, vol. iii, pp. 242 et seq.   For Trinidad "pitch lakes," found by Sir Walter Raleigh in 1595, see Lengegg, El Dorado, part i, p. 103, and part ii, p. 101; also Reclus, Ritter, et al.   For the general subject, see Schenkel, Bibel-Lexikon, s.v.   Todtes Meer, an excellent summery. The description of the Dead Sea in Lenormant's great history is utterly unworthy of him, and must have been thrown together from old notes after his death.   It is amazing to see in such a work the old superstitions that birds attempting to fly over the sea are sufficated.   See Lenormant, Histoire ancienne de l'Orient, edition of 1888, vol. vi, p. 112.   For the absorption and adoption of foreign myths and legends by the Jews, see Baring-Gould, Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, p. 390.   For the views of Greeks and Romans, see especially Tacitus, Historiae, book v, Pliny, and Strabo, in whose remarks are the germs of many of the mediaeval myths.   For very curious examples of these, see Baierus, De Excidio Sodomae, Halle, 1690, passim.

[428] As to the substance of the "pillars" or "statues" or "needles" of salt at Usdum, many travellers speak of it as "marl and salt." Irby and Mangles, in their Travels in Egypt, Nubia, Syria, and the Holy Land, chap. vii, call it "salt and hardened sand." The citation as to frequent carving out of new "pillars" is from the Travels in Palestine of the Rev. H. F. Osborn, D. D.; see also Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, vol.ii, pp. 478, 479.   For engravings of the salt pillar at different times, compare that given by Lynch in 1848, when it appeared as a column forty feet high, with that given by Palmer as the frontpiece to his Desert of the Exodus, Cambridge, England, 1871, when it was small and "does really bear a curious resemblance to an Arab woman with a child upon he shoulders", and this again with the picture of the salt formation at Usdum given by Canon Tristram, at whose visit there was neither "pillar" nor "statue." See The Land of Israel, by H. B.   Tristram, D. D., F. R. S., London, 1882, p. 324.   For similar pillars of salt washed out from the mud at Catalonia, see Lyell.

[429] For the usual biblical citations, see Genesis xix, 26; St. Luke xvii, 32; II Peter ii, 6.   For the citation from Wisdom, see chap.   x, v.   7.   For the account of the transformation of Lot's wife put into its proper relations with the Jehovistic and Elohistic documents, see Lenormant's La Genese, Paris, 1883, pp. 53, 199, and 317, 318.

[430] See Josephus, Antiquities, book i, chap. xi; Epist.   I; Cyril Hieros, Catech., xix; Chrysostom, Hom.   XVIII, XLIV, in Genes.; Irenaeus, lib. iv, C. xxxi, of his Heresies, edition Oxon., 1702.   For St. Silvia, see S. Silviae Aquitanae Peregrinatio ad Loca Sancta, Romae, 1887, p. 55; also edition of 1885, p. 25.   For recent translation, see Pilgrimage of St. Silvia, p. 28, in publications of Palestine Text Society for 1891.   For legends of signs of continued life in boulders and stones into which human beings have been transformed for sin, see Karl Bartsch, Sage, etc., vol. ii, pp. 420 et seq.

[431] For Antoninus Martyr, see Tobler's edition of his work in the Itinera, vol. i, p. 100, Geneva, 1877.   For the Targum of Jerusalem, see citation in Quaresmius, Terrae Sanctae Elucidation, Peregrinatio vi, cap. xiv; new Venice edition.   For Arculf, see Tobler.   For Bede, see his De Locis Sanctis in Tobler's Itinera, vol. i, p. 228.   For an admirable statement of the mediaeval theological view of scientific research, see Eicken, Geschichte der mittelalterlichen Weltanschauung, Stuttgart, 1887, chap. vi.

[432] For Fulk of Chartres and crusading travellers generally, see Bongars' Gesta Dei and the French Recueil; also Histories of the Crusades by Wilken, Sybel, Kugler, and others; see also Robinson, Biblical Researches, vol. ii, p. 109, and Tobler, Bibliographia Geographica Palestinae, 1867, p. 12.   For Benjamin of Tudela's statement, see Wright's Collection of Travels in Palestine, p. 84, and Asher's edition of Benjamin of Tudela's travels, vol. i, pp. 71, 72; also Charton, vol. i, p. 180.   For Borchard or Burchard, see full text in the Reyssbuch dess Heyligen Landes; also Grynaeus, Nov.   Orbis, Basil, 1532, fol. 298, 329.   For Ernoul, see his L'Estat de la Cite de Hierusalem, in Michelant and Reynaud, Itineraires Francaises au 12me et 13me Siecles.   For Petrus Diaconus, see his book De Locis Sanctis, edited by Gamurrini, Rome, 1887, pp. 126, 127.   For Mandeville I have compared several editions, especially those in the Reyssbuch, in Canisius, and in Wright, with Halliwell's reprint and with the rare Strasburg edition of 1484 in the Cornell University Library: the whole statement regarding the experiment with iron and feathers is given differently in different copies. The statement that he saw the feathers sink and the iron swim is made in the Reyssbuch edition, Frankfort, 1584.   The story, like the saints' legends, evidently grew as time went on, but is none the less interesting as showing the general credulity.   Since writing the above, I have been glad to find my view of Mandeville's honesty confirmed by the Rev. Dr. Robinson, and by Mr.   Gage in his edition of Ritter's Palestine.

[433] For Bernard of Breydenbach, I have used the Latin edition, Mentz, 1486, in the White collection, Cornell University, also the German edition in the Reyssbuch.   For John of Solms, Werli, and the like, see the Reyssbuch, which gives a full text of their travels.   For Fabri (Schmid), see, for his value, Robinson; also Tobler, Bibliographia, pp. 53 et seq.; and for texts, see Reyssbuch, pp. 122b et seq., but best the Fratris Fel.   Fabri Evagatorium, ed.   Hassler, Stuttgart, 1843, vol. iii, pp. 172 et seq.   His book now has been translated into English by the Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society.

[434] For a brief statement of the main arguments for and against the idea that the soul of Lot's wife remained within the salt statue, see Cornelius a Lapide, Commentarius in Pentateuchum, Antwerp, 1697, chap. xix.

[435] For Father Anselm, see his Descriptio Terrae Sanctae, in H. Canisius, Thesaurus Monument Eccles., Basnage edition, Amsterdam, 1725, vol. iv, p. 788.   For Giraudet, see his Discours du Voyage d'Outre-Mer, Paris, 1585, p. 56a.   For Radziwill and Lowenstein, see the Reyssbuch, especially p. 198a.

[436] For biblical engravings showing Lot's wife transformed into a salt statue, etc., see Luther's Bible, 1534, p. xi; also the pictorial Electoral Bible; also Merian's Icones Biblicae of 1625; also the frontpiece of the Luther Bible published at Nuremberg in 1708; also Scheuchzer's Kupfer-Bibel, Augsburg, 1731, Tab.   lxxx. For the account of the Dead Sea serpent "Tyrus," etc., see La Grande Voyage de Hierusalem, Paris (1517?), p. xxi.   For De Salignac's assertion regarding the salt pillar and suggestion regarding the absorption of the Jordan before reaching the Dead Sea, see his Itinerarium Sacrae Scripturae, Magdeburg, 1593, SS 34 and 35.   For Bunting, see his Itinerarium Sacrae Scripturae, Magdeburg, 1589, pp. 78, 79.   For Andrichom's picture of the salt statue, see map, p. 38, and text, p. 205, of his Theatrum Terrae Sanctae, 1613.   For Calvin and Servetus, see Willis, Servetus and Calvin, pp. 96, 307; also the Servetus edition of Ptolemy.

[437] For Zvallart, see his Tres-devot Voyage de Ierusalem, Antwerp, 1608, book iv, chapter viii.   His journey was made twenty years before.   For Father Boucher, see his Bouquet de la Terre Saincte, Paris, 1622, pp. 447, 448.   For Heidmann, see his Palaestina, 1689, pp. 58-62.   For Belon's credulity in matters referred to, see his Observations de Plusieurs Singularitez, etc., Paris, 1553, pp. 141-144; and for the legend of the peas changed into pebbles, p. 145; see also Lartet in De Luynes, vol. iii, p. 11.   For Rauwolf, see the Reyssbuch, and Tobler, Bibliographia.   For a good acoount of the influence of Montaigne in developing French scepticism, see Prevost-Paradol's study on Montaigne prefixed to the Le Clerc edition of the Essays, Paris, 1865; also the well-known passages in Lecky's Rationalism in Europe.   For Quaresmio I have consulted both the Plantin edition of 1639 and the superb new Venice edition of 1880-'82.   The latter, though less prized by book fanciers, is the more valuable, since it contains some very interesting recent notes. For the above discussion, see Plantin edition, vol. ii, pp. 758 et seq., and Venice edition, vol. ii, pp. 572-574.   As to the effect of Quaresmio on the Protestant Church, see Wedelius, De Statua Salis, Jenae, 1692, pp.6, 7, and elswehere.   For Eugene Roger, see his La Terre Saincte, Paris, 1664; the map, showing various sites referred to, is in the preface; and for basilisks, salamanders, etc., see pp. 89-92, 139, 218, and elsewhere.

[438] For Zwinner, see his Blumenbuch des Heyligen Landes, Munchen, 1661, p. 454.   For Mezger, see his Sacra Historia, Augsburg, 1700, p. 30.   For Doubdan, see his Voyage de la Terre- Sainte, Paris, 1670, pp. 338, 339; also Tobler and Gage's Ritter. For Goujon, see his Histoire et Voyage de la Terre Saincte, Lyons, 1670, p. 230, etc.   For Morison, see his Voyage, book ii, pp.   516, 517.   For Maundrell, see in Wright's Collection, pp. 383 et seq.   For Clericus, see his Dissertation de Salis Statua, in his Pentateuch, edition of 1696, pp. 327 et seq.   For Father Beaugrand, see his Voyage, Paris, 1701, pp. 137 et seq.   For Reland, see his Palaestina, Utrecht, 1714, vol. i, pp. 61-254, passim.

[439] For Briemle, see his Andachtige Pilgerfahrt, p. 129.   For Masius, see his De Uxore Lothi in Statuam Salis Conversa, Hafniae, 1720, especially pages 29-31.   For Dean Prideaux, see his Old and New Testament connected in the History of the Jews, 1720, map at page 7.   For Bachiene, see his Historische und geographische Beschreibung von Palaestina, Leipzig, 1766, vol. i, pp.   118-120, and notes.

[440] For Poole (Polus) see his Synopsis, 1669, p. 179; and for Titinus, the Lyons edition of his Commentary, 1736, p. 10.

[441] For Mariti, see his Voyage, etc., vol. ii, pp. 352-356. For Tobler's high opinion of him, see the Bibliographia, pp. 132, 133.   For Volney, see his Voyage en Syrie et Egypte, Paris, 1807, vol.   i, pp. 308 et seq.; also, for a statement of contributions of the eighteenth century to geology, Lartet in De Luynes's Mer Morte, vol. iii, p. 12.   For Cornelius Bruyn, see French edition of his works, 1714 (in which his name is given as "Le Brun"), especially for representations of fossils, pp. 309, 375.   For Chateaubriand, see his Voyage, etc., vol. ii, part iii.   For De Geramb, see his Voyage, vol. ii, pp. 45-47.

[442] For Seetzen, see his Reisen, edited by Kruse, Berlin, 1854- '59; for the "Dead Sea Fruits," vol. ii, pp. 231 et seq.; for the appearance of the sea, etc., p. 243, and elsewhere; for the Arab explanatory transformation legends, vol. iii, pp. 7, 14, 17.   As to similarity of the "pillars of salt" to columns washed out by rains elsewhere, see Kruse's commentary in vol. iv, p. 240; also Fallmerayer, vol. i, p. 197.   For Irby and Mangles, see work already cited.   For Robinson, see his Biblical Researches, London,1841; also his Later Biblical Researches, London, 1856. For Lynch, see his Narrative, London, 1849.   For Gratz, see his Schauplatz der Heyl.   Schrift, pp. 186, 187.   For De Saulcy, see his Voyage autour de la Mer Morte, Paris, 1853, especially vol. i, p. 252, and his journal of the early months of 1851, in vol. ii, comparing it with his work of the same title published in 1858 in the Bibliotheque Catholique de Voyages et du Romans, vol. i, pp. 78-81.   For Lartet, see his papers read before the Geographical Society at Paris; also citations in Robinson; but, above all, his elaborate reports which form the greater part of the second and third volumes of the monumental work which bears the name of De Luynes, already cited.   For exposures of De Saulcey's credulity and errors, see Van de Velde, Syria and Palestine, passim; also Canon Tristram's Land of Israel; also De Luynes, passim.

[443] For Kranzel, see his Reise nach Jerusalem, etc.   For Schegg, see his Gedenkbuch einer Pilgerreise, etc., 1867, chap. xxiv. For Palmer, see his Desert of the Exodus, vol. ii, pp. 478, 479. For the various compromises, see works alredy cited, passim.   For Von Bohlen, see his Genesis, Konigsberg, 1835, pp. 200-213.   For Calmet, see his Dictionarium, etc, Venet., 1766.   For very recent compromises, see J. W. Dawson and Dr. Cunningham Geikie in works cited.

[444] For Mislin, see his Les Saints Lieux, Paris, vol. iii, pp. 290-293, especially note at foot of page 292.   For Schaff, see his Through Bible Lands, especially chapter xxix; see also Rev. H.   S. Osborn, M. A., The Holy Land, pp. 267 et seq.; also Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, London, 1887, especially pp. 290-293.   For Furrer, see his En Palestine, Geneva, 1886, vol. i, p.246.   For the attempt to save one legend by throwing overboard the other, see Keil and Delitzsch, Biblischer Commentar uber das Alte Testament, vol. i, pp. 155, 156.   For Van de Velde, see his Syria and Palestine, vol. ii, p. 120.

[445] The only notice of the Lot's wife legend in the editions of Robinson at my command is a very curious one by Leopold von Buch, the eminent geologist.   Robinson, with a fearlessness which does him credit, consulted Von Buch, who in his answer was evidently inclined to make things easier for Robinson by hinting that Lot was so much struck by the salt formations that HE IMAGINED that his wife had been changed into salt.   On this theory, Robinson makes no comment.   See Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine, etc., London, 1841, vol. ii, p. 674.

[446] For these most recent explanations, see Rev. Cunningham Geikie, D. D., in work cited; also Sir J. W. Dawson, Egypt and Syria, published by the Religious Tract Society, 1887, pp. 125, 126; see also Dawson's article in The Expositor for January, 1886.

[447] - no footnote 447 found in text

[448] On the general allowance of interest for money in Greece, even at high rates, see Bockh, Public Economy of the Athenians, translated by Lamb, Boston, 1857, especially chaps.   xxii, xxiii, and xxiv of book i.   For a view of usury taken by Aristotle, see his Politics and Economics, translated by Walford, p. 27; also Grote, History of Greece, vol. iii, chap. xi.   For summary of opinions in Greece and Rome, and their relation to Christian thought, see Bohm-Bawerk, Capital and Interest, translated by Smart, London, 1890, chap. i.   For a very full list of scripture texts against the taking of interest, see Pearson, The Theories on Usury in Europe, 1100-1400, Cambridge (England), 1876, p. 6. The texts most frequently cited were Leviticus xxv, 36, 37; Deuteronomy xxiii, 19 and 26; Psalms, xv, 5; Ezekiel xviii, 8 and 17; St. Luke, vi, 35.   For a curious modern use of them, see D. S.   Dickinson's speech in the State of New York, in vol. i of his collected writings.   See also Lecky, History of Rationalism in Europe, vol. ii, chap. vi; and above all, as the most recent historical summary by a leading historian of political economy, Bohm-Bawerk, as above.

[449] For St. Basil and St. Gregory of Nyssa, see French translation of their diatribes in Homelies contre les Usuriers, Paris, Hachette, 1861-'62, especially p. 30 of St. Basil.   For some doubtful reservations by St. Augustine, see Murray, History of Usury.   For St. Ambrose, see De Officiis, lib. iii, cap. ii, in Migne, Patr.   Lat., vol. xvi; also the De Tobia, in Migne, vol. xiv.   For St. Augustine, see De Bapt.   contr Donat., lib. iv, cap. ix, in Migne, vol. xliii.   For Lactantius, see his Opera, Leyden, 1660, p. 608.   For Cyprian, see his Testimonies against the Jews, translated by Wallis, book iii, article 48.   For St. Jerome, see his Com.   in Ezekiel, xviii, 8, in Migne, vol. xxv, pp. 170 et seq.   For Leo the Great, see his letter to the bishops of various provinces of Italy, cited in the Jus.   Can., cap. vii, can.   xiv, qu.   4.   For very fair statements of the attitude of the fathers on this question, see Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, London, 1884, and Smith and Cheetham, Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, London, 1875-'80; in each, under article Usury.

[450] For an enumeration of councils condemning the taking of interest for money, see Liegeois, Essai sur l'Histoire et la Legislation de l'Usure, Paris, 1865, p. 78; also the Catholic Dictionary as above.   For curious additional details and sources regarding mediaeval horror of usurers, see Ducange, Glossarium, etc., article Caorcini.   T he date 306, for the Council of Elvira is that assigned by Hefele.   For the decree of Alexander III, see citation from the Latin text in Lecky.   For a long catalogue of ecclesiastical and civil decrees against taking of interest, see Petit, Traite de l'Usure, Paris, 1840.   For the reasoning at the bottom of this, see Cunningham, Christian Opinion on Usury, London, 1884.   For the Salzburg decrees, see Zillner, Salzburgusche Culturgeschichte, p. 232; and for Germany generally, see Neumann, Geschichte des Wuchers in Deutschland, Halle, 1865, especially pp. 22 et seq; also Roscher, National- Oeconomis.   For effect of mistranslation of the passage of Luke in the Vulgate, see Dollinger, p. 170, and especially pp. 224, 225 For the capitularies of Charlemagne against usury, see Liegeois, p.   77.   For Gregory X and the Council of Lyons, see Sextus Decretalium liber, pp. 669 et.   seq.   For Peter Lombard, see his Lib.   Sententiarum, III, dist.   xxxvii, 3.   For St. Thomas Aquinas, see his works, Migne, vol. iii, Paris 1889, quaestio 78, pp. 587 et seq., citing the Scriptures and Aristotle, and especially developing Aristotle's metaphysical idea regarding the "barrenness" of money.   For a very good summary of St. Thomas's ideas, see Pearson.   pp. 30 et seq.   For Dante, see in canto xi of the Inferno a revelation of the amazing depth of the hostility to the taking of interest.   For the London law of 1390 and the petition to the king, see Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, pp. 210, 326; also the Abridgment of the Records in the Tower of London, p. 339.   For the theory that Jews, being damned already, might be allowed to practice usury, see Liegeois, Histoire de l'Usure, p. 82.   For St. Bernard's view, see Epist. CCCLXIII, in Migne, vol. clxxxii, p. 567.   For ideas and anecdotes for preachers' use, see Joannes a San Geminiano, Summa de Exemplis, Antwerp, 1629, fol.   493, a; also the edition of Venice, 1584, ff.   132, 159; but especially, for multitudes of examples, see the Exempla of Jacques de Vitry, edited by Prof. T. F.   Crane, of Cornell University, London, 1890, pp. 203 et seq. For the canon law in regard to interest, see a long line of authorities cited in Die Wucherfrage, St. Louis, 1869, pp. 92 et seq., and especially Decret.   Gregor., lib.v, lit.   19, cap. iii, and Clementin., lib. v, lit.   5, sec.   2; see also the Corpus Juris Canonici, Paris, 1618, pp. 227, 228.   For the position of the English Church, see Gibson's Corpus Juris Ecclesiastici Anglicani, pp. 1070, 1071, 1106.

[451] For evil economic results, and especially for the rise of the rate of interest in England and elsewhere at times to forty per cent, see Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Cambridge, 1890, p. 189; and for its rising to ten per cent a month, see Bedarride, Les Juifs en France, en Italie, at en Espagne, p. 220; see also Hallam's Middle Ages, London, 1853, pp.   401, 402.   For the evil moral effects of the Church doctrine against taking interest, see Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, lib. xxi, chap. xx; see also Sismondi, cited in Lecky.   For the trifling with conscience, distinction between "consumptibles" and "fungibles," "possessio" and "dominium," etc., see Ashley, English Economic History, New York, pp. 152, 153; see also Leopold Delisle, Etudes, pp. 198, 468.   For the effects of these doctrines on the Jews, see Milman, History of the Jews, vol. iii, p.   179; also Wellhausen, History of Israel, London, 1885, p. 546; also Beugnot, Les Juifs d'Occident, Paris, 1824, pt.   2, p. 114 (on driving Jews out of other industries than money-lending). For a noted mediaeval evasion of the Church rules against usury, see Peruzzi, Storia del Commercio e dei Banchieri di Firenze, Florence, 1868, pp. 172, 173.

[452] For Gerson's argument favouring a reasonable rate of interest, see Coquelin and Guillaumin, Dictionnaire, article Interet.   For the renewed opposition to the taking of interest in England, see Craik, History of British Commerce, chap. vi.   The statute cited is 3 Henry VII, chap. vi; it is found in Gibson's Corpus Juris Eccles.   Anglic., p. 1071.   For the adverse decree of Leo X, see Liegeois, p. 76.   See also Lecky, Rationalism, vol. ii. For the dragging out of the usurer's body at Piacenza, see Burckhardt, The Renaissance in Italy, London, 1878, vol. ii, p. 339.   For public opinion of similar strength on this subject in England, see Cunningham, p. 239; also Pike, History of Crime in England, vol. i, pp. 127, 193.   For good general observations on the same, see Stephen, History of Criminal Law in England, London, 1883, vol. iii, pp. 195-197.   For usury laws in Castile and Aragon, see Bedarride, pp. 191, 192.   For exceedingly valuable details as to the attitude of the mediaeval Church, see Leopold Delisle, Etudes sur la Classe Agricole en Normandie au Moyen Age, Evreux, 1851, pp. 200 et seq., also p. 468.   For penalties in France, see Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, in the Rolls Series, especially vol. iii, pp. 191, 192.   For a curious evasion, sanctioned by Popes Martin V and Calixtus III when Church corporations became money-lenders, see H. C. Lea on The Ecclesiastical Treatment of Usury, in the Yale Review for February, 1894.   For a detailed development of interesting subordinate points, see Ashley, Introduction to English Economic History and Theory, vol. ii, ch, vi.

[453] For Luther's views, see his sermon, Von dem Wucher, Wittenberg, 1519; also the Table Talk, cited in Coquelin and Guillaumin, article Interet.   For the later, more moderate views of Luther, Melanchthon, and Zwingli, making a compromise with the needs of society, see Bohm-Bawerk, p. 27, citing Wiskemann.   For Melanchthon and a long line of the most eminent Lutheran divines who have denounced the taking of interest, see Die Wucherfrage, St.   Louis, 1869, pp. 94 et seq.   For the law against usury under Edward VI, see Cobbett's Parliamentary History, vol. i, p. 596; see also Craik, History of British Commerce, chap. vi.

[454] For Calvin's views, see his letter published in the appendix to Pearson's Theories on Usury.   His position is well- stated in Bohm-Bawerk, pp. 28 et seq., where citations are given. See also Economic Tracts, No.   IV, New York, 1881, pp. 34, 35; and for some serviceable Protestant fictions, see Cunningham, Christian Opinion on Usury, pp. 60, 61.   For Dumoulin (Molinaeus), see Bohm-Bawerk, as above, pp. 29 et seq.   For debates on usury in the British Parliament in Elizabeth's time, see Cobbett, Parliamentary History, vol. i, pp 756 et seq.   A striking passage in Shakespeare is found in the Merchant of Venice, Act I, scene iii: "If thou wilt lend this money, lend it not as to thy friend; for when did friendship take a breed for barren metal of his friend?" For the right direction taken by Lord Bacon, see Neumann, Geschichte des Wuchers in Deutschland, Halle, 1864, pp. 497, 498.   For Salmasius, see his De Usuris, Leyden, 1638, and for others mentioned, see Bohm-Bawerk, pp. 34 et seq.; also Lecky, vol. ii.   p. 256.   For the saving clause inderted by the bishops in the statute of James I, see the Corpus Juris Eccles.   Anglic., p. 1071; also Murray, History of Usury, Philadelphia, 1866, p. 49.

For Blaxton, see his English Usurer, or Usury Condemned, by John Blaxton, Preacher of God's Word, London, 1634.   Blaxton gives some of Calvin's earlier utterances against interest.   For Bishop Sands;s sermon, see p. 11.   For Filmer, see his Quaestio Quodlibetica, London, 1652, reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany, vol.x, pp. 105 et seq.   For Grotius, see the De Jure Belli ac Pacis, lib. ii, cap.xii.   For Cotton Mather's argument, see the Magnalia, London, 1702, pp. 5, 52.

[455] For the declaration of the Sorbonne in the seventeenth century against taking of interest, see Lecky, Rationalism, vol. ii, p. 248, note.   For the special condemnation by Innocent XI, see Viva, Damnatae Theses, Pavia, 1715, pp. 112-114.   For consideration of various ways of escaping the difficulty regarding interest, see Lecky, Rationalism, vol. ii, pp. 249, 250.   For Bousset's strong declaration against taking interest, see his Oeuvres, Paris, 1845-'46, vol. i, p. 734, vol. vi, p. 654, and vol. ix, p. 49 et seq.   For the number of councils and popes condemning usury, see Lecky,as above, vol. ii, p. 255, note, citing Concina.

[456] For Vilagut, see his Tractatus de Usuris, Venice, 1589, especially pp. 21, 25, 399.   For Leotardi, see his De Usuris, Venice, 1655, especially preface, pp. 6, 7 et seq.   For Pascal and Escobar, see the Provincial Letters, edited by Sayres, Cambridge, 1880, Letter VIII, pp. 183-186; also a note to the same letter, p. 196.   For Liguori, see his Theologia Moralis, Paris, 1834, lib. iii, tract v, cap. iii: De Contractibus, dub, vii.   For the eighteenth century attack in Italy, see Bohm-Bawerk, pp.   48 et seq.   For Montesquieu's view of interest on loans, see the Esprit des Lois, livre xxii.

[457] For Quesnay, see his Observations sur l'Interet de l'Argent, in his Oeuvres, Frankfort and Paris, 1888, pp. 399 et seq.   For Turgot, see the Collections des Economistes, Paris, 1844, vols.   iii and iv; also Blanqui, Histoire de l'Economie Politique, English translation, p. 373.   For an excellent though brief summary of the efforts of the Jesuits to explain away the old action of the Church, see Lecky, vol. ii, pp 256, 257.   For the action of Benedict XIV, see Reusch, Der Index der Vorbotenen Bucher, Bonn, 1885, vol. ii, pp 847, 848.   For a comical picture of the "quagmire' into which the hierarchy brought itself in the squaring of its practice with its theory, see Dollinger, as above, pp. 227, 228.   For cunningly vague statements of the action of Benedict XIV, see Mastrofini, Sur l'Usure, French translation, Lyons, 1834, pp. 125, 255.   The abbate, as will be seen, has not the slightest hesitaion in telling an untruth in order to preserve the consistency of papal action in the matter of usury - e.g., pp. 93, 94 96, and elsewhere.

[458] For the decree forbidding confessors to trouble lenders of money at legal interest, see Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, as above; also Mastrofini, as above, in the appendix, where various other recent Roman decrees are given.   As to the controversy generally, see Mastrofini; also La Replique des douze Docteurs, cited by Guillaumin and Coquelin; also Reusch, vol. ii, p.   850.   As an example of Mastrofini's way of making black appear white, compare the Latin text of the decree on page 97 with his statements regarding it; see also his cunning substitution of the new significance of the word usury for the old in various parts of his book.   A good historical presentation of the general subject will be found in Roscher, Geschichte der National- Oeconomie in Deutschland, Munchen, 1874, under articles Wucher and Zinsnehmen.   For France, see especially Petit, Traite de l'Usure, Paris, 1840; and for Germany, see Neumann, Geschichte des Wuchers in Deutschland, Halle, 1865.   For the view of a modern leader of thought in this field, see Jeremy Bentham, Defence of Usury, Letter X.   For an admirable piece of research into the nicer points involved in the whole subject, see H. C. Lea, The Ecclesiatical Treatment of Usury, in the Yale Review for February, 1894.

[459] For various interdicts laid upon commerce by the Church, see Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age, Leipsic, 1886, vol. ii, passim.   For the injury done to commerce by prohibition of intercourse with the infidel, see Lindsay, History of Merchant Shipping, London, 1874, vol. ii.   For superstitions regarding the introduction of the potato in Russia, and the name "devil's root" given it, see Hellwald, Culturgeschichte, vol. ii, p.   476; also Haxthausen, La Russie.   For opposition to winnowing machines, see Burton, History of Scotland, vol. viii, p. 511; also Lecky, Eighteenth Century, vol. ii, p. 83; also Mause Headrigg's views in Scott's Old Mortality, chap. vii.   For the case of a person debarred from the communion for "raising the devil's wind" with a winnowing machine, see Works of Sir J. Y. Simpson, vol. ii.   Those doubting the authority or motives of Simpson may be reminded that he was to the day of his death one of the strictest adherants to Scotch orthodoxy.   As to the curate of Rotherhithe, see Journal of Sir I.   Brunel for May 20, 1827, in Life of I.   K.   Brunel, p. 30.   As to the conclusions drawn from the numbering of Israel, see Michaelis, Commentaries on the Laws of Moses, 1874, vol. ii, p. 3.   The author of this work himself witnessed the reluctance of a very conscientious man to answer the questions of a census marshal, Mr. Lewis Hawley, of Syracuse, New York; and this reluctance was based upon the reasons assigned in II Samuel xxiv, 1, and I Chronicles xxi,1, for the numbering of the children of Israel.

[460] Among the vast number of authorities regarding the evolution of better methods in dealing with pauperism, I would call attention to a work which is especially suggestive - Behrends, Christianity and Socialism, New York, 1886.

[461] For the legend regarding the Septaguint, especially as developed by the letters of Pseudo-Aristeas, and for quaint citations from the fathers regarding it, see The History of the Seventy-two Interpretors, from the Greek of Aristeas, translated by Mr. Lewis, London, 1715; also Clement of Alexandria, in the Ante-Nicene Christian Library, Edinburgh, 1867, p. 448.   For interesting summaries showing the growth of the story, see Drummond, Philo Judaeus and the Growth of the Alexandrian Philosophy, London, 1888, vol. i, pp. 231 et seq.; also Renan, Histoire du Peuple Israel, vol. iv, chap. iv; also, for Philo Judaeus's part in developing the legend, see Rev. Dr. Sanday's Bampton Lectures for 1893, on Inspiration, pp. 86, 87.

[462] For a multitude of amusing examples of rabbinical interpretations, see an article in Blackwood's Magazine for November, 1882.   For a more general discussion, see Archdeacon Farrar's History of Interpretation, lect.   i and ii, and Rev. Prof.   H. p. Smith's Inspiration and Inerrancy, Cincinnati, 1893, especially chap. iv; also Reuss, History of the New Testament, English translation, pp. 527, 528.

[463] For Philo Judaeus, see Yonge's translation, Bohn's edition; see also Sanday, Inspiration, pp. 78-85.   For admirable general remarks on this period in history of exegesis, see Bartlett, Bampton Lectures, 1888, p. 29.   For efforts in general to save the credit of myths by allegorical interpretation, and for those of Philo in particular, see Drummond, Philo Judaeus, London, 1888, vol. i, pp. 18, 19, and notes.   For interesting examples of Alexandrian exegesis and for Philo's application of the term "oracle" to the Jewish Scriptures, see Farrar, History of Interpretation, p. 147 and note.   For his discovery of symbols of the universe in the furniture of the tabernacle, see Drummond, as above, pp. 269 et seq.   For the general subject, admirably discussed from a historical point of view, see the Rev. Edwin Hatch, D. D., The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church, Hibbert Lectures for 1888, chap. iii.   For Cosmas, see my chapters on Geography and Astronomy.   For Mr. Gladstone's view of the connection between Neptune's trident and the doctrine of the Trinity, see his Juventus Mundi.

[464] For Justin, see the Dialogue with Trypho, chaps.   xlii, lxxvi, and lxxxiii.   For Clement of Alexandria, see his Miscellanies, book v, chaps.   vi and xi, and book vii, chap. xvi, and especially Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, as above, pp. 76, 77.   As to the loose views of the canon held by these two fathers and others of their time, see Ladd, Doctrine of the Sacred Scriptures, vol. ii, pp. 86, 88; also Diestel, Geschichte des alten Testaments.

[465] For Jerome and Origen, see notes on pages following.   For Irenaeus, see Irenaeus, Adversus Hoeres., lib. iii, cap. xi, S 8. For the general subject, see Sanday, Inspiration, p. 115; also Farrar and H. p. Smith as above.   For a recent very full and very curious statement from a Roman Catholic authority regarding views cherished in the older Church as to the symbolism of numbers, see Detzel, Christliche Iconographie, Freiburg in Bresigau, Band i, Einleitung, p. 4.

[466] For Origen, see the De Principiis, book iv, chaps.   i-vii et seq., Crombie's translation; also the Contra Celsum, vol. vi, p. 70; vol. vii, p. 20, etc.; also various citations in Farrar.   For Hilary, see his Tractatus super Psalmos, cap. ix, li, etc.   in Migne, vol. ix, and De Trinitate, lib. ii, cap. ii.   For Jerome's interpretation of the text relating to the Shunamite woman, see Epist.   lii, in Migne, vol. xxii, pp. 527, 528.   For Augustine's use of numbers, see the De Doctrina Christiana, lib. ii, cap. xvi; and for the explanation of the draught of fishes, see Augustine in, In Johan.   Evangel., tractat.   cxxii; and on the twenty-five to thirty furlongs, ibid., tract.   xxv, cap. 6; and for the significance of the serpent eating dust, De Gen., lib. ii, C. 18.   or the view that the drunkenness of Noah prefigured the suffering of Christ, as held by SS.   Cyprian and Augustine, see Farrar, as above, pp. 181, 238.   For St. Gregory, see the Magna Moralia, lib. i, cap. xiv.

[467] For the work of the School of Antioch, and especially of Chrysostom, see the eloquent tribute to it by Farrar, as above.

[468] For Agobard, see the Liber adversus Fredigisum, cap. xii; also Reuter's Relig.   Aufklarung im Mittelalter, vol. i, p. 24; also Poole, Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought, London, 1884, pp. 38 et seq.   For Erigena, see his De Divisione Naturae, lib. iv, cap. v; also i, cap. lxvi-lxxi; and for general account, see Ueberweg, History of Philosophy, New York, 1871, vol.   i, pp. 358 et seq.; and for the treatment of his work by the Church, see the edition of the Index under Leo XIII, 1881.   For Abelard, see the Sic et Non, Prologue, Migne, vol. iii, pp. 371- 377.   For Hugo of St. Victor, see Erudit.   Didask., lib. vii, vi, 4, in Migne, clxxvi.   For Savonarola's interpretations, see various references to his preaching in Villari's life of Savonarola, English translation, London, 1890, and especially the exceedingly interesting table in the appendix to vol. i, chap. vii.

[469] For Valla, see various sources already named; and for an especially interesting account, Symond's Renaissance in Italy, the Revival of Learning, pp. 260-269; and for the opinion of the best contemporary judge, see Erasmus, Opera, Leyden, 1703, tom. iii, p. 98.   For Erasmus and his opponents, see Life of Erasmus, by Butler, London, 1825, pp. 179-182; but especially, for the general subject, Bishop Creighton's History of the Papacy during the Reformation.   For the attack by Bude and the Sorbonne and the burning of Berquin, see Drummond, Life and character of Erasmus, vol.   ii, pp. 220-223; also pp. 230-239.   As to the text of the Three Witnesses, see Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, chap. xxxvi, notes 116-118; also Dean Milman's note thereupon.   For a full and learned statement of the evidence against the verse, see Porson's Letters to Travis, London, 1790, in which an elaborate discussion of all the MSS.   is given.   See also Jowett in Essays and Reviews, p. 307.   For a very full and impartial history of the long controversy over this passage, see Charles Butler's Horae Biblicae, reprinted in Jared Sparks's Theological Essays and Tracts, vol. ii.   For Luther's ideas of interpretation, see his Sammtliche Schriften, Walch edition, vol. i, p. 1199, vol. ii, p. 1758, vol. viii, p. 2140; for some of his more free views, vol. xiv, p. 472, vol. vi, p. 121, vol. xi, p. 1448, vol. xii, p. 830; also Tholuck, Doctrine of Inspiration, Boston, 1867, citing the Colloquia, Frankfort, 1571, vol. ii, p. 102; also the Vorreden zu der deutschen Bibelubersetzung, in Walch's edition, as above, vol. xiv, especially pp. 94, 98, and 146-150.   As to Melanchthon, see especially his Loci Communes, 1521; and as to the enormous growth of commentaries in the generations immediately following, see Charles Beard, Hibbert Lectures for 1883, on the Reformation, especially the admirable chapter on Protestant Scholasticism; also Archdeacon Farrar, history of Interpretation.   For the Papstesel, etc., see Luther's Sammtliche Schriften, edit.   Walch, vol. xiv, pp. 2403 et seq.; also Melanchthon's Opera, edit.   Bretschneider, vol. xx, pp. 665 et seq.   In the White Library of Cornell University will be found an original edition of the book, with engravings of the monster. For the Monchkalb, see Luther's works as above, vol. xix, pp. 2416 et seq.   For the spirit of Calvin in interpretation, see Farrar, ans especially H. p. Smith, D. D., Inspiration and Inerrancy, chap. iv, and the very brilliant essay forming chap. iii of the same work, by L.   J. Evans, pp. 66 and 67, note.   For the attitude of the older Church toward the Vulgate, see Pallavicini, Histoire du Concile de Trente, Montrouge, 1844, tome i, pp 19,20; but especially Symonds, The Catholic Reaction, vol. i, pp. 226 et seq.   As to a demand for the revision of the Hebrew Bible to correct its differences from the Vulgate, see Emanuel Deutsch's Literary Remains, New York, 1874, p. 9.   For the work and spirit of Calovius and other commentators immediately folloeing the Reformation, see Farrar, as above; also Beard, Schaff, and Hertzog, Geschichte des alten Testaments in der christlichen Kirche, pp. 527 et seq.   As to extreme views of Voetius and others, see Tholuck, as above.   For the Formula Concensus Helvetica, which in 1675 affirmed the inspiration of the vowel points, see Schaff, Creeds.

[470] The present writer, visiting Moscow in the spring of 1894, was presented by Count Leo Tolstoi to one of the most eminent and influential members of the sect of "Old Believers," which dates from the reform of Nikon.   Nothing could exceed the fervor with which this venerable man, standing in the chapel of his superb villa, expatiated on the horrors of making the sign of the cross with three fingers instead of two.   His argument was that the TWO fingers, as used by the "Old Believers," typify the divine and human nature of our Lord, and hence that the use of them is strictly correct; whereas signing with THREE fingers, representing the blessed Trinity, is "virtually to crucify all three persons of the Godhead afresh." Not less cogent were his arguments regarding the immense value of the old text of Scripture as compared with the new.   For the revolt against Nikon and his reforms, see Rambaud, History of Russia, vol. i, pp. 414- 416; also Wallace, Russia, vol. ii, pp. 307-309; also Leroy- Beaulieu, L'Empire des Tsars, vol. iii, livre iii.

[471] For Newton's boldness in textual criticism, compared with his credulity as to the literal fulfilment of prophecy, see his Observations upon the Prophesies of Daniel and the Apocalypse of St.   John, in his works, edited by Horsley, London, 1785, vol. v, pp.   297-491.

[472] For the passage from Huxley regarding Mosaic barriers to modern thought, see his Essays, recently published.   For Pfeiffer, see Zoeckler, Theologie und Naturwissenschaft, vol. i, pp.   688, 689.   For St. Jerome's indifference as to the Mosaic authorship, see the first of the excellent Sketches of the Pentateuch Criticism, by the Rev. S. J. Curtiss, in the Bibliotheca Sacra for January, 1884.   For Huet, see also Curtiss, ibid.

[473] For the texts referred to by Aben Ezra as incompatible with the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, see Meyer, Geschichte der Exegese, vol. i, pp. 85-88; and for a pithy short account, Moore's introduction to The Genesis of Genesis, by B.   W. Bacon, Hartford, 1893, p. 23; also Curtiss, as above.   For a full exhibition of the absolute incompatibility of these texts with the Mosaic authorship, etc., see The Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch, by C. A. Briggs, D. D., New York, 1893, especially chap.   iv; also Robertson Smith, art.   Bible, in Encycl.   Brit.

[474] For very fair statements regarding the great forged documents of the Middle Ages, see Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, articles Dionysius the Areopagite and False Decretals, and in the latter the curious acknowledgment that the mass of pseudo-Isidorian Decretals "is what we now call a forgery."

For the derivation of Dionysius's ideas from St. Paul, and for the idea of inspiration attributed to him, see Albertus Magnus, Opera Omnia, vol. xiii, early chapters and chap. vi.   For very interesting details on this general subject, see Dollinger, Das Papstthum, chap. ii; also his Fables respecting the Popes of the Middle Ages, translated by Plummer and H. B.   Smith, part i, chap. v.   Of the exposure of these works, see Farrar, as above, pp. 254, 255; also Beard, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 4, 354.   For the False Decretals, see Milman, History of Latin Christianity, vol. ii, pp. 373 et seq.   For the great work of the pseudo-Dionysius, see ibid., vol. iii, p. 352, and vol. vi, pp. 402 et seq., and Canon Westcott's article on Dionysius the Areopagite in vol. v of the Contemporary Review; also the chapters on Astronomy in this work.

[475] For Carlstadt, and Luther's dealings with him on various accounts, see Meyer, Geschichte der exegese, vol. ii, pp. 373, 397.   As to the value of Maes's work in general, see Meyer, vol. ii, p. 125; and as to the sort of work in question, ibid., vol. iii, p. 425, note.   For Carlstadt, see also Farrar, History of Interpretation, and Moore's introduction, as above.   For Hobbes's view that the Pentateuch was written long after Moses's day, see the Leviathan, vol. iii, p. 33.   For La Peyrere's view, see especially his Prae-Adamitae, lib. iv, chap. ii, also lib. ii, passim; also Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, vol. i, p. 294; also interesting points in Bayle's Dictionary.   For Spinoza's view, see the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, chaps.   ii and iii, and for the persecution, see the various biographies.   Details regarding the demonstration against the unveiling of his statue were given to the present writer at the time by Berthold Auerbach, who took part in the ceremony.   For Morinus and Cappellus, see Farrar, as above, p. 387 and note.   For Richard Simon, see his Histoire Critique de l'Ancien Testament, liv.   i, chaps.   ii, iii, iv, v, and xiii.   For his denial of the prevailing theory regarding Hebrew, see liv.   i, chap. iv.   For Morinus (Morin) and his work, see the Biog.   Univ.   and Nouvelle Biog.   Generale; also Curtiss.   For Bousset's opposition to Simon, see the Histoire de Bousser in the Oeuvres de Bousset, Paris, 1846, tome xii, pp. 330, 331; also T. x, p. 378; also sundry attacks in various volumes.   It is interesting to note that among the chief instigators of the persecution were the Port-Royalists, upon whose persecution afterward by the Jesuits so much sympathy has been lavished by the Protestant world.   For Le Clerc, see especially his Pentateuchus, Prolegom, dissertat.   i; also Com.   in Genes., cap. vi-viii.   For a translation of selected passages on the points noted, see Twelve Dissertations out of Monsieur LeClerc's Genesis, done out of Latin by Mr. Brown, London, 1696; also Le Clerc's Sentiments de Quelques Theologiens de Hollande, passim; also his work on Inspiration, English translation, Boston, 1820, pp. 47-50, also 57-67.   For Witsius and Carpzov, see Curtiss, as above.   For some subordinate points in the earlier growth of the opinion at present dominant, see Briggs, The Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch, New York, 1893, chap. iv.

[476] For Lowth, see the Rev. T. K.   Cheyne, D. D., Professor of the Interpretation of the Holy Scripture in the University of Oxford, Founders of the Old Testament Criticism, London, 1893, pp.   3, 4.   For Astruc's very high character as a medical authority, see the Dictionnaire des Sciences Medicales, Paris, 1820; it is significant that at first he concealed his authorship of the Conjectures.   For a brief statement, see Cheyne; also Moore's introduction to Bacon's Genesis of Genesis; but for a statement remarkably full and interesting, and based on knowlegde at first hand of Astruc's very rare book, see Curtiss, as above. For Michaelis and Eichorn, see Meyer, Geschichte der Exegese; also Cheyne and Moore.   For Isenbiehl, see Reusch, in Allg. deutsche Biographie.   The texts cited against him were Isaiah vii, 14, and Matt.   i, 22, 23.   For Herder, see various historians of literature and writers in exegesis, and especially Pfleiderer, Development of Theology in Germany, chap. ii.   For his influence, as well as that of Lessing, see Beard's Hibbert Lectures, chap. x.   For a brief comparison of Lowth's work with that of Herder, see Farrar, History of Interpretation, p. 377.   For examples of interpretations of the Song of Songs, see Farrar, as above, p. 33.   For Castellio (Chatillon), his anticipation of Herder's view of Solomon's Song, and his persecution by Calvin and Beza, which drove him to starvation and death, see Lecky, Rationalism, etc., vol.   ii, pp. 46-48; also Bayle's Dictionary, article Castalio; also Montaigne's Essais, liv,.   i, chap. xxxiv; and especially the new life of him by Buisson.   For the persecution of Luis de Leon for a similar offence, see Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, vol. ii, pp. 41, 42, and note.   For a remarkably frank acceptance of the consequences flowing from Herder's view of it, see Sanday, Inspiration, pp. 211, 405.   For Geddes, see Cheyne, as above.   For Theodore Parker, see his various biographies, passim.   For Reuss, Graf, and Kuenen, see Cheyne, as above; and for the citations referred to, see the Rev. Dr. Driver, Regius Professor of Hebrew at Oxford, in The Academy, October 27, 1894; also a note to Wellhausen's article Pentateuch in the Encyclopaedia Britannica.   For a generous yet weighty tribute to Kuenen's method, see Pfleiderer, as above, book iii, chap.   ii.   For the view of leading Christian critics on the book of Chronicles, see especially Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, pp. 495 et seq.; also Wellhausen, as above; also Hooykaas, Oort, and Kuenen, Bible for Learners.   For many of the foregoing, see also the writings of Prof.   W. Robertson Smith; also Beard's Hibbert Lectures, chap. x. For Hupfield and his discovery, see Cheyne, Founders, etc., as above, chap. vii; also Moore's Introduction.   For a justly indignant judgment of Hengstenberg and his school, see Canon Farrar, as above, p. 417, note; and for a few words throwing a bright light into his character and career, see C. A. Briggs, D. D., Authority of Holy Scripture, p. 93.   For Wellhausen, see Pfleiderer, as above, book iii, chap. ii.   For an excellent popular statement of the general results of German criticism, see J.   T. Sunderland, The Bible, Its Origin, Growth, and Character, New York and London, 1893.

[477] As to the influence of Kant on honest thought in Germany, see Pfleiderer, as above, chap. i.

[478] For an eloquent and at the same time profound statement of the evils flowing from the "moral terrorism" and "intellectual tyrrany" at Oxford at the period referred to, see quotation in Pfleiderer, Development of Theology, p. 371.

For the alloy of interested motives among English Church dignitiaries, see the pungent criticism of Bishop Hampden by Canon Liddon, in his Life of Pusey, vol. i, p. 363.

[479] A very curious example of this insensibility among persons of really high culture is to be found in American literature toward the end of the eighteenth century.   Mrs. Adams, wife of John Adams, afterward President of the United States, but at that time minister to England, one of the most gifted women of her time, speaking, in her very interesting letters from England, of her journey to the seashore, refers to Canterbury Cathedral, seen from her carriage windows, and which she evidently did not take the trouble to enter, as "looking like a vast prison." So, too, about the same time, Thomas Jefferson, the American plenipotentiary in France, a devoted lover of classical and Renaissance architecture, giving an account of his journey to Paris, never refers to any of the beautiful cathedrals or churches upon his route.

[480] For Mr. Gladstone's earlier opinion, see his Church and State, and Macaulay's review of it.   For Pusey, see Mozley, Ward, Newman's Apologia, Dean Church, etc., and especially his Life, by Liddon.   Very characteristic touches are given in vol. i, showing the origin of many of his opinions (see letter on p. 184).   For the scandalous treatment of Mr. Everett by the clerical mob at Oxford, see a rather jaunty account of the preparations and of the whole performance in a letter written at the time from Oxford by the late Dean Church, in The Life and Letters of Dean Church, London, 1894, pp. 40, 41.   For a brief but excellent summary of the character and services of Everett, see J. F. Rhodes's History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850, New York, 1893, vol.   i, pp. 291 et seq.   For a succinct and brilliant history of the Bentley-Boyle controversy, see Macauley's article on Bentley in the Encyclopaedia Britannica; also Beard's Hibbert Lectures for 1893, pp. 344, 345; also Dissertation in Bentley's work, edited by Dyce, London, 1836, vol. i, especially the preface. For Wolf, see his Prolegomena ad Homerum, Halle, 1795; for its effects, see the admirable brief statement in Beard, as above, p. 345.   For Niebuhr, see his Roman History, translated by Hare and Thirlwall, London, 1828; also Beard, as above.   For Milman's view, see, as a specimen, his History of the Jews, last edition, especially pp. 15-27.   For a noble tribute to his character, see the preface to Lecky's History of European Morals.   For Thirlwall, see his History of Greece, passim; also his letters; also his Charge of the Bishop of St. David's, 1863.

[481] For the origin of Essays and Reviews, see Edinburgh Review, April, 1861, p. 463.   For the reception of the book, see the Westminster Review, October, 1860.   For the attack on it by Bishop Wilberforce, see his article in the Quarterly Review, January, 1861; for additional facts, Edinburgh Review, April, 1861, pp. 461 et seq.   For action on the book by Convocation, see Dublin Review, May, 1861, citing Jelf et al.; also Davidson's Life of Archbishop Tate, vol. i, chap. xii.   For the Archepiscopal Letter, see Dublin Review, as above; also Life of Bishop Wilberforce, by his son, London, 1882, vol. iii, pp. 4,5; it is there stated that Wilberforce drew upon the letter.   For curious inside views of the Essays and Reviews controversy, including the course of Bishop Hampden, Tait, et al., see Life of Bishop Wilberforce, by his son, as above, pp. 3-11; also pp. 141-149.   For the denunciation of the present Bishop of London (Temple) as a "leper," etc., see ibid., pp. 319, 320.   For general treatment of Temple, see Fraser's Magazine, December, 1869.   For very interesting correspondence, see Davidson's Life of Archbishop Tait, as above.   For Archdeacon Denison's speeches, see ibid, vol. i, p. 302.   For Dr. Pusey's letter to Bishop Tait, urging conviction of the Essayists and Reviewers, ibid, p. 314. For the striking letters of Dr. Temple, ibid., pp. 290 et seq.; also The Life and Letters of Dean Stanley.   For replies, see Charge of the Bishop of Oxford, 1863; also Replies to Essays and Reviews, Parker, London, with preface by Wilberforce; also Aids to Faith, edited by the Bishop of Gloucester, London, 1861; also those by Jelf, Burgon, et al.   For the legal proceedings, see Quarterly Review, April, 1864; also Davidson, as above.   For Bishop Thirlwall's speech, see Chronicle of Convocation, quoted in Life of Tait, vol. i, p. 320.   For Tait's tribute to Thirlwall, see Life of Tait, vol. i, p. 325.   For a remarkable able review, and in most charming form, of the ideas of Bishop Wilberforce and Lord Chancellor Westbury, see H. D. Traill, The New Lucian, first dialogue.   For the cynical phrase referred to, see Nash, Life of Lord Westbury, vol. ii, p. 78, where the noted epitaph is given, as follows:

[482] For the citation referred to, see Pfleiderer, as above, book iv, chap. ii.   For the passages referred to as provoking especial wrath, see Colenso, Lectures on the Pentateuch and the Moabite Stone, 1876, p. 217.   For the episode regarding the hare chewing the cud, see Cox, Life of Colenso, vol. i, p. 240.   The following epigram went the rounds:

[483] For interesting details of the Colenso persecution, see Davidson's Life of Tait, chaps.   xii and xiv; also the Lives of Bishops Wilberforce and Gray.   For full accounts of the struggle, see Cox, Life of Bishop Colenso, London, 1888, especially vol. i, chap.   v.   For the dramatic performance at Colenso's cathedral, see vol. ii, pp. 14-25.   For a very impartial and appreciative statement regarding Colenso's work, see Cheyne, Founders of Old Testament Criticism, London, 1893, chap. ix.   For testimony to the originality and value of Colenso's contributions, see Kuenen, Origin and Composition of the Hexateuch, Introduction, pp. xx, as follows: "Colenso directed my attention to difficulties which I had hitherto failed to observe or adequately to reckon with; and as to the opinion of his labours current in Germany, I need only say that, inasmuch as Ewald, Bunsen, Bleek, and Knabel were every one of them logically forced to revise their theories in the light of the English bishop's research, there was small reason in the cry that his methods were antiquated and his objections stale." For a very brief but effective tribute to Colenso as an independent thinker whose merits are now acknowledged by Continental scholars, see Pfleiderer, Development of Theory, as above.

[484] One of the nonsense verses in vogue at the time summed up the contoversy as follows:

"A bishop there was of Natal,
Who had a Zulu for his pal;
Said the Zulu, 'My dear,
Don't you think Genesis queer?'
Which coverted my lord of Natal."

But verses quite as good appeared on the other side, one of them being as follows:

"Is this, then, the great Colenso,
Who all the bishops offends so?
Said Sam of the Soap,
Bring fagots and rope,
For oh! he's got no friends, oh!"

For Matthew Arnold's attack on Colenso, see Macmillan's Magazine, January, 1863.   For Maurice, see the references already given.

[485] For the social ostracism of Colenso, see works already cited; also Cox's Life of Colenso.   For the passage from Wilberforce's sermon at the consecration of Colenso, see Rev. Sir G.   W. Cox, The Church of England and the Teaching of Bishop Colenso.   For Wilberforce's relations to the Colenso case in general, see his Life, by his son, vol. iii, especially pp. 113- 126, 229-231.   For Keble's avowal that no Englishman believes in excommunication, ibid., p. 128.   For a guarded statement of Dean Stanley's opinion regarding Wilberforce and Newman, see a letter from Dean Church to the Warden of Keble, in Life and Letters of Dean Church, p. 293.

[486] For interesting testimony to Stanley's character, from a quarter from whence it would have been least expected, see a reminiscence of Lord Shaftesbury in the Life of Frances Power Cobbe, London and New York, 1894.   The late Bishop of Massachusetts, Phillips Brooks, whose death was a bereavement to his country and to the Church universal, once gave the present writer a vivid description of a scene witnessed by him in the Convocation of Canterbury, when Stanley virtually withstood alone the obstinate traditionalism of the whole body in the matter of the Athanasian Creed.   It is to be hoped that this account may be brought to light among the letters written by Brooks at that time.   See also Dean Church's Life and Letters, p. 294, for a very important testimony.

[487] Of Pusey's extreme devotion to his view of the book of Daniel, there is a curious evidence in a letter to Stanley in the second volume of the latter's Life and Letters.   For the views referred to in Lux Mundi, see pp. 345-357; also, on the general subject, Bishop Ellicott's Christus Comprobator.

[488] For a remarkably just summary of Renan's work, eminently judicial and at the same time deeply appreciative, see the Rev. Dr.   Pfleiderer, professor at the University of Berlin, Development of Theology in Germany, pp. 241, 242, note.   The facts as to the early relations between Renan and Jules Simon were told in 1878 by the latter to the present writer at considerable length and with many interesting details not here given.   The writer was also present at the public funeral of the great scholar, and can testify of his own knowledge to the deep and hearty evidences of gratitude and respect then paid to Renan, not merely by eminent orators and scholars, but by the people at large.   As to the refusal of the place of burial that Renan especially chose, see his own Souvenirs, in which he laments the enevitable exclusion of his grave from the site which he most loved.   As to calumnies, one masterpiece, very widely spread, through the zeal of clerical journals, was that Renan received enormous sums from the Rothschilds for attacking Christianity.

[489] For the frustration of attempts to admit light into scriptural studies in Roman Catholic Germany, see Bleek, Old Testament, London, 1882, vol. i, pp. 19, 20.   For the general statement regarding recent suppression of modern biblical study in France and Italy, see an article by a Roman Catholic author in the Contemporary Review, September, 1894, p. 365.   For the papal condemnations of Lenormant and Bartolo, see the Index Librorum Prohibitorum Sanctissimi Domini Nostri, Leonis XIII, P.M., etc., Rome, 1891; Appendices, July, 1890, and May, 1891.   The ghastly part of the record, as stated in this edition of the Index, is that both these great scholars were forced to abjure their "errors" and to acquiesce in the condemnation - Lenorment doing this on his deathbed.

[490] For this statement, see an article in the Contemporary Review, April, 1894, p. 576.

[491] For these admissions of Father Clarke, see his article The Papal Encyclical on the Bible, in the Contemporary Review for July, 1894.

[492] For the appellation "religious Titan" applied to Theodore Parker, see a letter of Jowett, Master of Balliol, to Frances Power Cobbe, in her Autobiography, vol. 1, p. 357, and for Reville's statement, ibid., p. 9.   For a pathetic account of Parker's last hours at Florence, ibid., vol. i, pp. 10, 11.   As to the influence of Theodore Parker on Lincoln, see Rhodes's History of the United States, as above, vol. ii, p. 312.   For the statement regarding Parker's audiences and his power over them, the present writer trusts to his own memory.

[493] There is a curious reference to Bishop Hopkins's ideas on slavery in Archbishop Tait's Life and Letters.   For a succinct statement of the biblical proslavery argument referred to, see Rhodes, as above, vol. i, pp. 370 et seq.

[494] As to the revelations of the vast antiquity of Chaldean civilization, and especially regarding the Nabonidos inscription, see Records of the Past, vol. i, new series, first article, and especially pp. 5, 6, where a translation of that inscription is given; also Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, introduction, in which, on page 12, an engraving of the Sargon cylinder is given; also, on the general subject, especially pp. 116 et seq., 309 et seq.; also Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, pp.   161-163; also Maspero and Sayce, Dawn of Civilization, p. 555 and note.

For the earlier Chaldean forms of the Hebrew Creation accounts, Tree of Life in Eden, Hebrew Sabbath, both the institution and the name, and various other points of similar interest, see George Smith, Chaldean Account of Genesis, throughout the work, especially p. 308 and chaps.   xvi, xvii; also Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier; also Schrader, The Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament; also Lenormant, Origines de l'Histoire; also Sayce, The Assyrian Story of Creation, in Records of the Past, new series, vol. i.   For a general statement as to earlier sources of much in the Hebrew sacred origins, see Huxley, Essays on Controverted Questions, English edition, p. 525.

[495] For Prof. Brown's discussion, see his Assyriology, its Use and Abuse in Old Testament Study, New York, 1885, passim.   For Prof.   Sayce's views, see The Higher Criticism and the Monuments, third edition, London, 1894, and especially his own curious anticipation, in the first lines of the preface, that he must fail to satisfy either side.   For the declaration that the "higher critic" with all his offences is no worse than the orthodox "apologist," see p. 21.   For the important admission that the same criterion must be applied in researches into our own sacred books as into others, and even into the mediaeval chronicles, see p. 26.   For justification of critical scepticism regarding the history given in the book of Daniel, see pp. 27, 28, also chap. ix.   For very full and explicit statements, with proofs, that the "Sabbath," both in name and nature, was derived by the Hebrews from the Chaldeans, see pp. 74 et seq.   For a very full and fair acknowledgment of the "Babylonian element in Genesis," see chap. iii, including the statement regarding the statement in our sacred book, "The Lord smelled a sweet savour," at the sacrifice made by Noah, etc., on p. 119.   For an excellent summary of the work, see Dr. Driver's article in the Contemporary Review for March, 1894.   For a pungent but well-deserved rebuke of Prof. Sayce's recent attempts to propitiate pious subscribers to his archaeological fund, see Prof. A. A.   Bevan, in the Contemporary Review for December, 1895.   For the inscription on the Assyrian tablets relating in detail the exposure of King Sargon in a basket of rushes, his rescue and rule, see George Smith, Chaldean account of Genesis, Sayce's edition, London, 1880, pp. 319, 320.   For the frequent recurrence of the Sargon and Moses legend in ancient folklore, see Maspero and Sayce, Dawn of History, p. 598 and note.   For various other points of similar interest, see ibid., passim, especially chaps.   xvi and xvii; also Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier, and Schrader, The Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament; also Lenormant, Origines de l'Histoire.

[496] For general statements of agreements and disagreements between biblical accounts and the revelations of the Egyptian monuments, see Sayce, The Higher Criticism and the Monuments, especially chap. iv.   For discrepancies between the Hebrew sacred accounts of Jewish relations with Egypt and the revelations of modern Egyptian research, see Sharpe, History of Egypt; Flinders, Patrie, History of Egypt; and especially Maspero and Sayce, The Dawn of Civilization in Egypt and Chaldea, London, published by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1894.   For the statement regarding the Nile, that about the middle of July "in eight or ten days it turns from grayish blue to dark red, occasionally of so intense a colour as to look like newly shed blood," see Maspero and Sayce, as above, p. 23.   For the relation of the Joseph legend to the Tale of Two Brothers, see Sharpe and others cited.   For examples of exposure of various great personages of antiquity in their childhood, see G. Smith, Chaldean Accounts of Genesis, Sayce's edition, p. 320.   For the relation of the Book of the Dead, etc., to Hebrew ethics, see a striking passage in Huxley's essay on The Evolution of Theology, also others cited in this chapter.   As to trinities in Egypt and Chaldea, see Maspero and Sayce, especially pp. 104-106, 175, and 659-663.   For miraculous conception and birth of sons of Ra, ibid., pp. 388, 389.   For ascension of Ra into heaven, ibid., pp. 167, 168; for resurrections, see ibid., p. 695, also representations in Lepsius, Prisse d'Avennes, et al.; and for striking resemblance between Egyptian and Hebrew ritual and worship, and especially the ark, cherubim, ephod, Urim and Thummim, and wave offerings, see the same, passim.   For a very full exhibition of the whole subject, see Renan, Histoire du Peuple Israel, vol. i, chap. xi.   For Egyptian and Chaldean ideas in astronomy, out of which Hebrew ideas of "the firmament," "pillars of heaven," etc., were developed, see text and engravings in Maspero and Sayce, pp. 17 and 543.   For creation of man out of clay by a divine being in Egypt, see Maspero and Sayce, p. 154; for a similar idea in Chaldea, see ibid., p. 545; and for the creation of the universe by a word, ibid., pp. 146, 147.   For Egyptian and Chaldean ideas on magic and medicine, dread of evil spirits, etc., anticipating those of the Hebrew Scriptures, see Maspero and Sayce, as above, pp. 212-214, 217, 636; and for extension of these to neighboring nations, pp. 782, 783.   For visions and use of dreams as oracles, ibid., p. 641 and elsewhere.   See also, on these and other resemblances, Lenormant, Origines de l'Histoire, vol. i, passim; see also George Smith and Sayce, as above, chaps.   xvi and xvii, for resemblances especially striking, combining to show how simple was the evolution of many Hebrew sacred legends and ideas out of those earlier civilizations.   For an especially interesting presentation of the reasons why Egyptian ideas of immortality were not seized upon by the Jews, see the Rev. Barham Zincke's work upon Egypt.   For the sacrificial vessels, temple rites, etc., see the bas-reliefs, figured by Lepsius, Prisse d'Avennes, Mariette, Maspero, et.   al. For a striking summary by a brilliant scholar and divine of the Anglican Church, see Mahaffy, Prolegomena to Anc.   Hist., cited in Sunderland, The Bible, New York, 1893, p. 21, note.

[497] For the passages in the Vendidad of special importance as regards the Temptation myth, see Fargard, xix, 18, 20, 26, also 140, 147.   Very striking is the account of the Temptation in the Pelhavi version of the Vendidad.   The devil is represented as saying to Zaratusht (Zoroaster): "I had the worship of thy ancestors; do thou also worship me." I am indebted to Prof. E. P.   Evans, formerly of the University of Michigan, but now of Munich, for a translation of the original text from Spiegel's edition.   For a good account, see also Haug, Essays on the Sacred Language, etc., of the Parsees, edited by West, London, 1884, pp. 252 et seq.; see also Mills's and Darmesteter's work in Sacred Books of the East.   For Dr. Mills's article referred to, see his Zoroaster and the Bible, in The Nineteenth Century, January, 1894.   For the citation from Renan, see his Histoire du Peuple Israel, tome xiv, chap. iv; see also, for Persian ideans of heaven, hell and resurrection, Haug, as above, p. 310 et seq. For an interesting resume of Zoroastrianism, see Laing, A Modern Zoroastrian, chap. xii, London, eighth edition, 1893.   For the Buddhist version of the judgment of Solomon, etc., see Fausboll, Buddhist Birth Stories, translated by Rhys Davids, London, 1880, vol.   1, p. 14 and following.   For very full statements regarding the influence of Persian ideas upon the Jews during the captivity, see Kahut, Ueber die judische Angelologie und Daemonologie in ihren Abhangigkeit vom Parsismus, Leipzig, 1866.

[498] For Huc and Gabet, see Souvenirs d'un Voyage dans la Tartarie, le Thibet, et la Chine, English translation by Hazlitt, London, 1851; also supplementary work by Huc.   For Bishop Bigandet, see his Life of Buddha, passim.   As for authority for the fact that his book was condemned at Rome and his own promotion prevented, the present writer has the bishop's own statement.   For notices of similarities between Buddhist and Christian institutions, rituals, etc., see Rhys David's Buddhism, London, 1894, passim; also Lillie, Buddhism and Christianity, especially chaps.   ii and xi.   It is somewhat difficult to understand how a scholar so eminent as Mr. Rhys Davids should have allowed the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge, which published his book, to eliminate all the interesting details regarding the birth of Buddha, and to give so fully everything that seemed to tell against the Roman Catholic Church; cf.   p. 27 with p. 246 et seq.   For more thorough presentation of the development of features in Buddhism and Brahmanism which anticipate those of Chrisitianity, see Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur, Leipsic, 1887, especially Vorlesung XXVIII and following.   For full details of the canonization of Buddha under the name of St. Josaphat, see Fausboll, Buddhist Birth Stories, translated by Rhys Davids, London, 1880, pp. xxxvi and following; also Prof. Max Muller in the Contemporary Review for July, 1890; also the article Barlaam and Josaphat, in the ninth edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica.   For the more recent and full accounts, correcting some minor details in the foregoing authorities, see Kuhn, Barlaam und Joasaph, Munich, 1893, especially pages 82, 83.   For a very thorough discussion of the whole subject, see Zotenberg, Notice sur le livre de Barlaam et Joasaph, Paris, 1886; especially for arguments fixing date of the work, see parts i to iii; also Gaston Paris in the Revue de Paris for June, 1895.   For the transliteration between the appelation of Buddha and the name of the saint, see Fausboll and Sayce, as above, p. xxxvii, note; and for the multitude of translations of the work ascribed to St. John of Damascus, see Table III, on p. xcv.   The reader who is curious to trace up a multitude of the myths and legends of early Hebrew and Christian mythology to their more eastern and southern sources can do so in Bible Myths, New York, 1883.   The present writer gladly avails himself of the opportunity to thank the learned Director of the National Library at Palermo, Monsignor Marzo, for his kindness in showing him the very interesting church of San Giosafat in that city; and to the custodians of the church for their readiness to allow photographs of the saint to be taken.   The writer's visit was made in April, 1895, and copies of the photographs may be seen in the library of Cornell University.   As to the more rare editions of Barlaam and Josaphat, a copy of the Icelandic translation is to be seen in the remrkable collection of Prof. Willard Fiske, at Florence.   As to the influence of these translations, it may be noted that when young John Kuncewicz, afterward a Polish archbishop, became a monk, he took the name of the sainted Prince Josafat; and, having fallen a victim to one of the innumerable murderous affrays of the seventeenth century between different sorts of fanatics - Greek, Catholic, and Protestant - in Poland, he also was finally canonized under that name, evidently as a means of annoying the Russian Government.   (See Contieri, Vita di S. Giosafat, Arcivesco e Martira Rutena, Roma, 1867.)

[499] For a brief but thorough statement of the work of Strauss, Baur, and the earlier cruder efforts in New Testament exegesis, see Pfleiderer, as already cited, book ii, chap. i; and for the later work on Supernatural Religion and Lightfoot's answer, ibid., book iv.   chap. ii.

[500] For the citations given regarding the development of thought in relation to the fourth gospel, see Crooker, The New Bible and its Uses, Boston, 1893, pp. 29, 30.   For the characterization of St. John's Gospel above referred to, see Robertson Smith in the Encyc.   Brit., 9th edit., art.   Bible, p. 642.   For a very careful and candid summary of the reasons which are gradually leading the more eminent among the newer scholars to give up the Johannine authorship ot the fourth Gospel, see Schurer, in the Contemporary Review for September, 1891. American readers, regarding this and the whole series of subjects of which this forms a part, may most profitably study the Rev. Dr. Cone's Gospel Criticism and Historic Christianity, one of the most lucid and judicial of recent works in this field.

[501] The texts referred to as most beneficially changed by the revisers are I John v, 7 and I Timothy iii, 16.   Mention may also be made of the fact that the American revision gave up the Trinitarian version of Romans ix, 5, and that even their more conservative British brethren, while leaving it in the text, discredited it in the margin.

[502] Among the newer English works of the canon of Scripture, especially as regards the Old Testament, see Ryle in work cited. As to the evidences of frequent mutilations of the New Testament text, as well as of frequent charge of changing texts made against each other by early Christian writers, see Reuss, History of the New Testament, vol. ii, S 362.   For a reverant and honest treatment of some of the discrepancies and contradictions which are absolutely irreconcilable, see Crooker, as above, appendix; also Cone, Gospel Criticism and Historic Christianity, especially chap.   ii; also Matthew Arnold, Literature and Dogma, and God and the Bible, especially chap. vi; and for a brief but full showing of them in a judicial and kindly spirit, see Laing, Problems of the Future, chap. ix, on The Historical Element in the Gospels.

[503] - no footnote 503 found in text

[504] For Matthew Arnold, see, besides his Literature and Dogma, his St. Paul and Protestantism.   As to the quotations in the New Testament from the Old, see Toy, Quotations in the New Testament, 1889, p. 72; also Kuenen, The Prophets and Prophecy in Israel. For Le Clerc's method of dealing with the argument regarding quotations from the Old Testament in the New, see earlier parts of the present chapter.   For Paley's mode, see his Evidences, part iii, chapter iii.   For the more scholastic expresssions from Irenaeus and others, see Gore, Bampton Lectures, 1891, especially note on p. 267.   For a striking passage on the general subject see B.   W. Bacon, Genesis of Genesis, p. 33, ending with the words, "We must decline to stake the authority of Jesus Christ on a question of literary criticism."

[505] As an example of courtesy between theologic opponents may be cited the controversy between Mr. Gladstone and Prof. Huxley, Principal Gore's Bampton Lectures for 1891, and Bishop Ellicott's Charges, published in 1893.

[506] For plaintive lamentations over the influence of this atmosphere of scientific thought upon the most eminent contemporary Christian scholars, see the Christus Comprobator, by the Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol, London, 1893, and the article in the Contemporary Review for May, 1892, by the Bishop of Colchester, passim.   For some less known examples of sacred myths and legends inherited from ancient civilizations, see Lenormant, Les Origines de l'Histoire, passim, but especially chaps.   ii, iv, v, vi; see also Goldziher.

Back to Table of Contents